Category Archives: human rights

The West Papuan Legislative Council Has Held Its Inaugural Meeting in Jayapura

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BY PAUL GREGOIRE PUBLISHED ON 17 JUL 2025 

The 5 July 2025 inauguration of the West Papuan Legislative Council in West Papua’s Jayapura City “marked the rebirth of the West Papuan state”, remarked United Liberation Movement West Papua president Benny Wenda in a 10 July 2025 statement, adding that the globe  “should respect” that it has “fulfilled all international requirements to be recognised as a government-in-waiting”.

According to reports, 350 members were inaugurated into the West Papuan Legislative Council on 5 July, along with thousands of regional council members, to represent the Indigenous peoples of the land across the seven customary regions that the ULMWP government recognises in West Papua: not the six provinces that the colonial Indonesian administration has imposed upon the region.

The establishment of the West Papuan government-in-waiting is the latest stage in a heightened push by the West Papuan liberation movement began with the September 2017 presentation of the West Papuan People’s Petition to the United Nations General Assembly, prior to the December 2020 founding of a provisional government and subsequent establishing of infrastructure on the ground.

These bounds towards independence, however, have also seen an intensification of Indonesian military attacks on occupied West Papuans, which began on villages in Nduga Regency, and continues to the present day, while the inauguration of alleged habitual war crimes perpetrator Prabowo Subianto as Indonesian president last year neither bodes well for the Melanesian region.

But as ULMWP Legislative Council chair Buchtar Tabuni led thousands of West Papuans, who’d just attended the first session of the West Papuan Legislative Council held in Jayapura City, in a procession through the main streets of one of the nation of West Papua’s largest cities, the message was clear: West Papua now has a government-in-waiting, and it does not want to wait too long.

A nation-in-waiting

“We have now completed our internal structure, implementing democracy even before winning independence,” said ULMWP president Benny Wenda, who currently lives in exile. “The world should respect the fact that we have fulfilled all international requirements to be recognised as a government-in-waiting,”

“We have our own provisional government, cabinet, laws, constitution and Green State Vision for a liberated West Papua,” the president-in-waiting continued, as he noted the commitment an independent West Papua has made to becoming a truly green state. “We also have a network of diplomatic representatives around the world, ready to engage with international diplomats.”

In the lead up to the Netherland colonisers 1962 departure, the West New Guinea Council, which was made up of West Papuans, celebrated their nation’s coming independence on 1 December 1961, Wenda recalled, with the raising of the Morning Star flag, and diplomats from the UK, France, Papua New Guinea, Australia and the Netherlands all bore witness to the ceremony.

As Wenda explains the roll out of the Legislative Council finishes the process of actualising an entire Indigenous government on the ground, which commenced with the first meeting of the West Papuan congress in November 2023.

This finishes the establishment of the legislative framework for an independent West Papua, as well as produces a body to legitimise this point on the global stage.

“With the 2020 provisional government, we built a legitimate governance structure and declared Indonesian presence in West Papua to be illegal,” Wenda underscored. 

“With this inauguration, we have deepened our sovereignty on the ground. The ULMWP is now present at every level of West Papuan life.”

Never any choice

As it was leaving West Papua, the Netherlands handed control of the territory to the United Nations, as per the 1962 New York Agreement, and then in May 1963, it passed on interim administration to Indonesia, another country that had been colonised by the Dutch, who’d left in 1949. This handover was done on the basis that Jakarta let the West Papuans hold a referendum on independence.

Indonesia then held the 1969 UN-brokered “Act of Free Choice”, which saw the Indonesian military select 1,026 West Papuans to take part in, and via threat of gunpoint, they all voted to remain with Jakarta. So, the New York Agreement was never honoured, a fraud vote occurred and the 1.8 million West Papuans, or 70 percent of the population, who signed the petition, want a real referendum.

Since 1 May 1963, Jakarta has killed over half a million West Papuans, and, as Indonesia has been running a transmigration program into the Melanesian region since the 1970s, the 90 percent of the population that the locals, the West Papuans, had made up at that time, has now dropped down to comprising of less than 50 percent of the people living in the region.

The attacks on villages and displacement of local West Papuans has picked up since 2018, and this has been accompanied by the construction of the Trans-Papua Road project, which is a highway needlessly being rolled out that harms the West Papuan landscape and people. The attacks on people in the highlands and coastal regions across the nation of West Papua continue to this day.

The real choice awaits

Former Kopassus general and now Indonesian president Prabowo has a notorious reputation for the brutal manner in which he carried out operations in the former colony of East Timor and the continuing colony of West Papua.

Under the new president’s watch, the aerial bombing of West Papuan villages has heightened recently and the world’s largest act of deforestation is being committed on West Papuan soil in the name of sugarcane farming.

But so too has the West Papuan Legislative Council just met for the first time under Prabowo’s watch, and Wenda points out that for the United Liberation Movement of West Papua to be recognised as legitimate on the international stage has precedent, and he raised the Vanuatu People’s provisional government and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as examples of this.

ULMWP Legislative Council chair Tabuni said a fortnight ago that the 5 July plenary council meeting was an “historical milestone” that involved “the formation of a legitimate and representative legislative structure”, which has “strengthened the foundation of our government, as a nation ready for sovereignty”.

“The ULMWP is ready to play that role,” Wenda underscored. “We are ready to take our seat at the table, to help find a diplomatic political solution to the West Papuan issue through international political mechanisms.”

 PAUL GREGOIRE 

Paul Gregoire is a Sydney-based journalist and writer. He’s the winner of the 2021 NSW Council for Civil Liberties Award For Excellence In Civil Liberties Journalism. Prior to Sydney Criminal Lawyers®, Paul wrote for VICE and was the news editor at Sydney’s City Hub.

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Arbitrary detention and use of force against human rights lawyer during peaceful protest in Jayapura

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Cases / Indonesia, West Papua / 2 July 2025 

On 12 June 2025, police officers arbitrarily detained Mr Imanus Komba, a lawyer working for the Papuan Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua), and a protester named Mr Kolki Gwijangge during a peaceful demonstration at the Abepura roundabout in Jayapura City, Papua Province (see photo on top, source: Jubi). The demonstration, organised by student and youth groups, opposed the controversial nickel mining project in Raja Ampat, Sorong, and broader illegal resource exploitation in West Papua. Mr Komba and Mr Gwijangge were reportedly subjected to physical ill-treatment during arrest. Both men were temporarily detained at the Abepura Sub-District Police Station before being released after 20 minutes.

The protest began peacefully at 10:00 am, with demonstrators expressing environmental and indigenous rights concerns over the mining project, including its impacts on local ecosystems and customary landowners. At approximately 10:20 am, police from the Abepura Sector, led by the station chief and intelligence officers, attempted to disband the protest, allegedly citing the lack of a valid permit. When LBH Papua lawyer, Mr Imanus Komba, challenged the order and asserted the demonstrators’ constitutional rights, police officers reportedly dragged, choked, and beat Mr Komba with a rubber baton before being escorted to the Abepura Sub-District Police Station. Mr Kolki Gwijangge was also forcibly removed from the site. Despite the violence, both were released again, and Mr Komba resumed his duties accompanying the protest.

The Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and LBH Papua condemned the detention, highlighting that such acts amount to a pattern of criminalisation and intimidation of human rights defenders in West Papua. According to YLBHI, the Abepura Police’s conduct represents a breach of Police Regulation No. 2/2003. The organisation demanded a public apology and an end to repressive policing.

The Jayapura Police Chief, Commissioner Fredrickus Maclarimboen, stated that there were no arrests or detentions. The Jayapura police’s claim that “there were no detainees” contrasts sharply with the victim testimonies, further underlining the lack of transparency and accountability.

Legal and human rights analysis

The actions of the Abepura police, including physical abuse and obstruction of legal assistance, amount to violations of national law and international standards on the protection of human rights defenders. The incident violates fundamental freedoms, namely the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Article 28E (2) of the Indonesian Constitution, and Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a State Party. Furthermore, the physical assault and detention of the LBH lawyer violate Law No. 16/2011 on Legal Aid, which explicitly protects lawyers from criminal or civil liability for actions taken in the course of legal representation.

The case adds to a broader pattern of repression against Papuan civil society, where security forces frequently suppress dissent under the guise of public order, infringing upon basic civil liberties and undermining the rule of law.

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Human Rights Monitor

Release four Papuan political activists in Sorong who were arrested on charges of treason

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Responding to the arrest and determination of suspects in a treason case against four political activists who are members of the Federal Republic of West Papua (NFRPB) by the Police in Sorong City and the loss of civilian lives in armed violence in Intan Jaya, Deputy Director of Amnesty International Indonesia, Wirya Adiwena, said:

“The criminalization of the four Papuan political activists shows that the state continues to repress the rights to freedom of expression, opinion and assembly of indigenous Papuans. They were arrested only for peacefully conveying their political aspirations by visiting the West Papua government offices without using violence.

Peaceful expression is guaranteed by the Constitution and is not a criminal act. Peaceful political aspirations are also not hate speech as alleged by the police. Law enforcement officers are also again using accusations of treason to silence the political expression of Papuans, even though they should understand that such expression is part of human rights protected by Article 28E of the 1945 Constitution.

The police in Sorong City must immediately release the four people unconditionally. Every citizen, including indigenous Papuans, must not be criminalized just for expressing opinions or making legitimate political demands, including voicing disappointment with the state regarding the conflict in their region.

Not only that, we also condemn the loss of life and injuries to civilians, as well as hundreds of people displaced, after the operation carried out by security forces in Intan Jaya on May 13, 2025. There must be a thorough investigation into the loss of civilian lives in the incident. Likewise, there must be a sharp reflection on the placement of security forces in Papua which has so far resulted in casualties, both indigenous Papuans, non-Papuans, including the security forces themselves.”

Background

The Chief of the Sorong City Police, Southwest Papua, on May 5 announced the arrest and determination of suspects in a treason case against four people with the initials AGG, PR, MS, and NM. They are known as administrators of the Federal State of the Republic of West Papua (NFRPB).

Media reports said the suspects allegedly visited the Sorong Mayor’s Office, the West Papua Governor’s Office, the West Papua Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) Office, the West Papua Police’s Water Police Directorate, and the Sorong City Police on April 14 to deliver a letter from the NRFPB president regarding an invitation to peace talks. During the visit, they also allegedly called for ‘Papua independence.’

The police have also questioned five witnesses and secured 18 documents related to the NFRPB organization, including uniforms resembling police and military attributes, as well as the organization’s membership identification.

The four suspects were charged with treason and hate speech articles, namely Article 106 of the Criminal Code in conjunction with Article 187 of the Criminal Code in conjunction with Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code and/or Article 45 Letter A paragraph (2) in conjunction with Article 28 paragraph (2) of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2024 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 11 of 2024 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions in conjunction with Article 55 paragraph (1) to 1 and/or in conjunction with Article 56 paragraph (1) to 1 of the Criminal Code. For these articles, the suspects face a sentence of 20 years in prison or even life imprisonment.

Meanwhile, regarding the latest violence in Papua, the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI) received a report from the Kemah Injil Church that a military operation had taken place in the early hours of Tuesday, May 13, 2025, in three villages in Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua. The military operation is said to have targeted civilian settlements and resulted in fatalities and injuries among residents.

At least three civilians were reported to have died. In addition, a seven-year-old child and an adult woman suffered injuries from shrapnel. Then as many as 950 congregation members from 13 churches were reported to have fled shortly after the shooting.

Amnesty International does not take any position on the political status of any province in Indonesia, including their calls for independence. However, in our opinion, freedom of expression includes the right to peacefully express one’s political views or solutions.

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Indigenous Papuans look to the new pope with hopes

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 By Ryan Dagur, 16 May 2025

Pope Francis did not visit the Christian-majority region of Papua during his Asia tour last September; however, his concerns and gestures regarding the plight of Papuans have provided them with a renewed perspective on the Church.

The first Jesuit and the first Latin American pope, during his 12-year papacy, achieved something that no other pope has done for the Papuans, the Christian-majority indigenous people of the western half of New Guinea Island, which is part of Indonesia.

Pope Francis became popular among Papuans as they began to see him as a champion for the cause of poor, marginalized, and oppressed people like them worldwide. They expect the next pope to follow in his footsteps.

Papuans expect the next pope to build on Pope Francis’ two actions, which have left an indelible mark on their conflict-torn region, regarded as the most underdeveloped part of Indonesia.

In a historic first, Francis appointed two native Papuan priests as bishops — Yanuarius Teofilus Matopai You of Jayapura in 2022 and Bernardus Bofitwos Baru of Timika — just two months before his death.

The appointments followed years of demand for native bishops in the region, where the Catholic faith arrived more than a century ago.

The demand has grown louder in recent years, as many Papuan Catholics feel that their bishops from other parts of Indonesia, and even the Vatican, do not care enough about their aspirations, plight, and challenges.

Most Indonesian bishops assigned to Papua have remained silent about human rights violations and social injustices in light of the Indonesian government’s apparent disregard for Papuans’ rights.

The violations are linked to the government’s efforts to suppress the Free Papua Movement, which has persisted in the region since the 1960s and advocates for self-determination.

Baru, a leading rights activist advocating for an end to violence between security forces and armed rebels in Papua, is scheduled to be ordained as bishop on May 15.

The Papuans felt abandoned as the local Church hierarchy, based in the Indonesian capital, consistently aligned with the government.

“The official stance of the Catholic Church on the Papua issue is very clear, namely to support the government’s stance, because it is guaranteed by international law,” the hierarchy’s de facto head, Cardinal Ignatius Suharyo Hardjoatmodjo of Jakarta, said once.

A recent example is Archbishop Petrus Canisius Mandagi of Merauke supporting the controversial state-backed food projects in southern Papua, despite the Papuans’ rejection of the initiative. The projects reportedly aim to seize land from Indigenous people, including members of the archdiocese.

Francis’ visit to Asia last September marked a second defining moment for Papuans and offers lessons for the Indonesian hierarchy and the heads of the Vatican bureaus.

Many Papuans believe that Francis expressed his love for the indigenous people by visiting Vanimo in Papua New Guinea, just across the border from Indonesian Papua. This visit enabled many Papuans to cross the border to see the pope.

Francis’ visit to Indonesia did not include a stopover in Papua or even mention Papua, apparently due to the insistence of Indonesian bishops, who did not want to upset the government.

Papuans who could not afford the flight to Jakarta to see the pope found Vanimo to be the closest place where they could meet him. He chose Vanimo to feel the pulse of the Papuans.

He also did not upset the Muslim-majority Indonesia, where he was widely popular for fostering Christian-Muslim harmony, a hallmark of his pontificate.

Francis proved that church leaders can find ways to understand and communicate with their marginalized communities, even if exploitative systems attempt to block them.

The tragedy is that Indonesian bishops remain confined within their narrow nationalistic views, which prevent them from recognizing Papuans as equal individuals and Christians deserving of dignity and rights.

The Papuan Church, which has long been dominated by Indonesian clergy, has done little to protest the state’s exploitation of this resource-rich region’s forests and minerals, disregarding the fundamental rights of Papuans to live on their land.

Just as Francis stood for the rights and dignity of the poor and oppressed, the new leader of the Church has a responsibility to confront the timidity of the Indonesian hierarchy, who believe that supporting the oppressed would make them targets of the state.

The Vatican must also support the two native Papuan bishops in representing their Papuan Catholics without permitting them to be overshadowed by the other 36 non-Papuan bishops in the country.

With thanks to Union of Catholic Asian (UCA) News and Ryan Dagur, where this article originally appeared.

Police officers as agricultural experts? Corn project threatens democracy and human rights

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Cases, Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua / 8 April 2025 

In a controversial move, the Indonesian National Police (Polri) launched a large-scale corn cultivation project targeting 1.7 million hectares of land across the country. The project, which includes agricuktural activities in the Aib Village, Jayapura Regency, is supposed to contribute to Indonesia’s food security. However, it has sparked widespread concerns regarding the misuse of police authority, poor planning, and the intimidation of local farmers who publicly voiced criticism.

While Polri claims the program supports national food resilience, critics argue the project lies outside the legal mandate of the police. Law No. 2/2002 on the National Police clearly outlines the primary responsibilities of the police as maintaining security and public order, enforcing the law, as well as providing protection and services to the public. However, the law does not mandate agricultural development as part of the police’s responsibilities. Human rights organizations and legal experts have flagged this initiative as a dangerous precedent that blurs the line between civil governance and law enforcement.

The project shows follows an alarming trend in Indonesia, where the police and the military are in direct competition for taking over civil roles and responsibilities. These developments have significantly aggravated under Indonesia’s current President Prabowo Subianto, a former military general. Prabowo has handed over direct responsibility to the Indonesian military for the implementation of a rice and sugarcane estate in the Merauke Regency as part of national strategic projects (PSN) on food security. Indigenous communities oppose the ambitious project which has targetted more than 2 million hectares of their customary land, raising the lack of free, prior, informed consent procedures, land grabbing, ecological destruction, and systematic human rights violations.

Project implementation in Jayapura, Papua Province

The project’s implementation in the Aib Village has exposed serious flaws. Farmers joined the initiative hoping for improved income and development. Instead, they encountered a lack of technical support, no tools or fertilizer, and crops that failed to thrive. Many of the farmers have no experience in commercial corn farming and were not provided with training or sustainable guidance. The false selection of land, unsuitable for corn, and the absence of agricultural extension services further point to poor planning and disregard for local agronomic conditions.

Several farmers have been subjected to intimidation after sharing their disappointment over the proiject with the media. They were summoned to the local police station after speaking to BBC Indonesia journalists about the project’s shortcomings. During a meeting with seven officers, they were asked to retract their statements and record a video apology—requests they refused. The incident raises concerns regarding intimidation and suppression of free expression. Police have denied claims of coercion and intimidation against community members.

The implications of the project are profound. By stepping into the realm of agricultural development without a legal basis or technical capacity, Polri has undermined public trust, violating the rule of law, and compromising its core mission. Moreover, the treatment of critical voices contradicts democratic norms and Indonesia’s obligations under international human rights law, including the ICCPR’s protections for freedom of expression and protection from state intimidation.

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INDONESIA: CRACKDOWN ON PROTESTS, STIFLING OF EXPRESSION AND REPRESSION IN PAPUA CONTINUES IN PRABOWO’S FIRST FOUR MONTHS IN POWER

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In Indonesia, civic space remains rated as ‘obstructed’ in the latest People Power Under Attack reportpublished in December 2024. Among the main concerns are the use of restrictive laws, including defamation provisions against human rights defenders and journalists as well as harassment and threats against them. The authorities have criminalised Papuan activists for their peaceful expression, while protests across Indonesia have been met with arbitrary arrests and excessive force from the police

During President Prabowo Subianto’s first 100 days in office, he had indicated a commitment to a conditional release of Papuan political activists in detention as part of a larger amnesty programme. However, human rights groups have raised concerns about Prabowo’s seriousness in protecting freedom of expression and opinion. There are also concerns about the ongoing impunity for human rights violations by the security forces, dealing with past serious crimes and the restrictions on civic freedoms.

There were nationwide student protests at the end of February 2025 against President Prabowo’s budget cuts , marking a key test of his leadership. The “Dark Indonesia” (#IndonesiaGelap) rally saw hundreds of students from leading universities carrying banners as they gathered outside the presidential palace in central Jakarta, many clad in black. Similar protests drawing thousands of students have taken place in other parts of the country, including Surabaya, Bali, Medan and Yogyakarta.

In recent months, a woman protester was jailed for opposing a palm oil mill while a protest against a hike in tax was forcibly dispersed. Protesters in Papua, including students, faced suppression and arrests for their activism. An environmental expert is facing a lawsuit and harassment for testifying in court while a punk band has had to apologise and withdraw a song on police corruption. Commemorations of a historic day in Papua were targeted with police repression. A Papuan human rights defender faced intimidation and an environmental activist was attacked, while the investigation by the national human rights body into the case of human rights defender Munir is facing challenges……………………………………

https://monitor.civicus.org/explore/indonesia-crackdown-on-protests-stifling-of-expression-and-repression-in-papua-continues-in-prabowos-first-four-months-in-power/

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Interim President: Prabowo reviving Suharto’s New Order in West Papua

Militarization in West Papua: the disrupted life of indigenous peoples

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Jayapura (Agenzia Fides) – The sudden occupation of forest areas and villages of indigenous peoples by the massive deployment of military units in the Indonesian region of Papua is becoming a constant that marks the life of an entire region with its human and natural heritage. 

This is what happened to the inhabitants of five villages in the Oksop district (in central Papua, in the territory of the diocese of Jayapura), who fled to other areas, such as the neighboring Oksibil district, at the end of November due to the deployment of military units. “The presence of the military in the Oksop district has caused fear and insecurity in the community. Various actions by the military, such as setting up posts in churches and using public facilities without permission, have further aggravated the situation,” says Father Alexandro Rangga (OFM), Friar Minor and Director of the “Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation” Commission in Papua. 

According to the Franciscan Commission, 300 people have been displaced to other villages, while many are hiding in the forests. “The fundamental problem in Papua is the way in which the Indonesian central government pursues national projects with a military approach. 

In addition, the massive presence of the military also brings with it activities promoted by the military itself, with conflicts of interest and operations on the edge of legality,” notes the Franciscan. As an official statement from the Diocese of Jayapura confirms, “the security situation in Oksop district remains unfavorable.” Indeed, “the refugees are reluctant to return to their home villages because they are afraid.” The presence of more and more troops – three troops were sent between January 13 and 15, 2025 alone – has increased tensions.

 “The displaced people have had traumatic experiences when they had to leave their homes,” reports the Franciscan. In response to this emergency, the Church of Jayapura and the Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Commission are calling on the government to “withdraw the armed forces from Oksop district and open a space for dialogue to find a peaceful solution” and, in the meantime, “provide adequate humanitarian assistance to the refugees.” The path of dialogue, says the Franciscan, “is the only way to end the violence and create a sustainable peace in Papua.

” Assessing the overall situation, Father Rannga notes that “the situation has worsened in recent years.” “Although the Indonesian government has moved from a ‘security’ approach to one that speaks of ‘welfare’ on a verbal level, in reality soldiers are still being deployed to carry out all kinds of programs on the ground,” he explains. 

“This is worrying because people have already had a long and traumatic experience with the military. In total, there are between 60,000 and 100,000 internally displaced people in Papua, mainly from Maybrat, Kiwirok and Intan Jaya.” In addition, the Indonesian government “has been creating food plantations in West Papua since 2020 (often for palm oil plantations, editor’s note) without obtaining the consent of the indigenous peoples, who feel cheated of their land: they use the local authorities or the army to take over the land by force, and this approach leads to clashes and discontent,” he continues. 

“As the Commission for Justice, Peace and the Integrity of Creation, we have drawn the attention of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) to these problems: ancestral ownership of land, inequalities between indigenous Papuans and migrants, access to health and education facilities,” said the religious. Tensions in the area date back to the controversial 1969 referendum that incorporated Papua into the Republic of Indonesia, inaugurating a long period of progressive impoverishment and marginalization of the indigenous Papuans. 

The rise of separatist armed groups (such as the West Papuan National Liberation Army (TPN-PB), the armed wing of the Papua Liberation Movement) sparked a low-intensity conflict that forced thousands of people to flee and further complicated life in a region already characterized by underdevelopment. In addition, projects to exploit Papua’s enormous natural wealth (palm oil, copper, gold, timber, natural gas) do not benefit the indigenous population, who instead bear the negative impacts such as land destruction, contamination of water sources and the resulting health problems. 

In the meantime, the internal migration program (“Transmigrasi”) promoted by Jakarta changed the demographic composition of Papua, weakening the socioeconomic status of indigenous Papuans and limiting their employment opportunities. Locals complain that they have “become foreigners in their own country”. (PA) (Agenzia Fides, 17/1/2024)

Church leaders slam Indonesian forces’ denial of Papua refugees

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Around 327 people remain displaced, many others hiding in forests in Oksop district, they say

Church officials in Indonesia have rejected Indonesian security forces’ claims of normalcy in a conflict zone in Papua, expressing concerns about the situation of displaced people and their safety.

The Church leaders said the security situation in the five villages in Oksop district is not yet normal, according to reports from pastoral officers of the Church in the field.

Bishop Yanuarius Theofilus Matopai You of Jayapura, based in Papua, and Father Alexandro Rangga of the Franciscans’ Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation Commission Papua expressed the Church’s concerns in a statement.

“As of today, an estimated 327 people remain displaced, with many others choosing to hide in the forest,” they said in their Jan. 17 statement.

It refuted the security forces’ claim in the media that residents who were displaced because of the conflict had returned to their villages.

Security forces spokesperson Yusuf Sutejo told the media that people have returned and are “carrying out normal activities in four villages. Only Mimin village is still under the supervision of security forces.”

Bishop You said they have detailed data on the number of displaced people, including by gender, age, and village of origin.

“However, for the safety of the displaced people, we cannot share this data with the public,” he explained.

The Church leaders said the security claims raise “deep concern,” and hence, “the Catholic Church felt compelled to clarify the real situation.”

Father Rangga said they want the joint security forces to withdraw from the Oksop district.

“The presence of troops is increasing. The deployment of additional troops on Jan. 13-15, 2025, has only increased the community’s anxiety,” he said.

The Church leaders said the security forces setting up their posts inside church compounds and using community facilities without permission worsened the situation.

Father Rangga told UCA News that residents of the five affected villages fled the area due to the increasing presence of security forces since late November last year.

“Fear of armed conflict prompted them to flee to safer places,” he said.

The security forces are targeting members of the West Papua National Liberation Army, which is allegedly working to free Papua from Indonesian control.

The renewed violence has displaced hundreds.

A displaced person from Atenar village, who did not want to be named because of security concerns, said he witnessed security forces setting up posts in community properties in his village as well as neighboring Mimin village.

“They dismantled an Evangelical church to make a fire pit. Church facilities are regularly used as security posts,” he said.

He also reported hearing gunshots day and night. “We don’t know whether they are shooting at their opponents or not,” he added.

The Catholic Church has urged the Indonesian government to form an independent team to investigate the causes of the conflict and ensure accountability for human rights violations.

“Firstly, withdraw military troops from Oksop district and open up space for dialogue to find a peaceful solution,” they said.

Indonesian Government Enters a New Phase in the Occupation of West Papua

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  BY PAUL GREGOIRE PUBLISHED ON 3 JAN 2025 

United Liberation Movement for West Papua provisional government interim president Benny Wenda warns that since Indonesian president Prabowo Subianto took office in October, he’s been proven right in having remarked, after the politician’s last February election, that his coming marks the return of “the ghost of Suharto”: the brutal dictator who ruled over the nation for three decades.

Wenda, an exiled West Papuan leader, outlined in a 16 December statement that at that moment the Indonesian forces were carrying out ethnic cleansing in multiple regencies, as thousands of West Papuans were being forced out of their villages and into the bush by soldiers. 

The entire regency of Oksop had been emptied, with over 1,200 West Papuans displaced since an escalation began in Nduga regency in 2018.

Prabowo coming to top office has a particular foreboding for the West Papuans, who’ve been occupied by Indonesia since 1963, as over his military career – which spanned from 1970 to 1998 and saw rise him to the position of general, as well as mainly serve in Kopassus (special forces) – the current president perpetrated multiple alleged atrocities across East Timor and West Papua.

According to Wenda, the incumbent Indonesian president can “never clean the blood from his hands for his crimes as a general in West Papua and East Timor” and he further makes clear that Prabowo’s acts since taking office reveal that he is set on “creating a new regime of brutality” in the country of his birth.

Enhancing the occupation

“Foreign governments should not be fooled by Prabowo’s PR campaign,” Wenda made certain in mid-December. “He is desperately seeking international legitimacy through his international tour, empty environmental pledges and the amnesty offered to various prisoners, including eighteen West Papuans and the remaining imprisoned members of the Bali Nine.”

Former Indonesian president Suharto ruled over the Southeast Asian nation with an iron fist from 1967 until 1998.

In the years prior to his officially taking office, General Suharto oversaw the mass murder of up to 1 million local Communists, he further rigged the 1969 referendum on self-determination for West Papua, so it failed and he invaded East Timor in 1975.

Wenda maintains that the proof Prabowo is something of an apparition of Suharto is that he’s set about forging “mass displacement, increased militarisation” and “increased deforestation” in the Melanesian region of West Papua. And he’s further restarted the transmigration program of the Suharto days, which involves Indonesians being moved to West Papua to populate the region.

As Wenda advised in 2015, the initial transmigration program resulted in West Papuans, who made up 96 percent of the population in 1971, only comprising 49 percent of those living in their own homelands at that current time.

Wenda considers the “occupation was entering a new phase”, when former Indonesian president Joko Widodo split the region of West Papua into five provinces in mid-2022. And the West Papuan leader advises that Prabowo is set to establish separate military commands in each province, which will provide “a new, more thorough and far-reaching system of occupation”.

West Papua was previously split into two regions, which the West Papuan people did not recognise, as these and the current five provinces are actually Indonesian administrative zones.

“By establishing new administrative divisions, Indonesia creates the pretext for new military posts and checkpoints,” Wenda underscores. “The result is the deployment of thousands more soldiers, curfews, arbitrary arrests and human rights abuses. West Papua is under martial law.”

Ecocide on a formidable scale

Prabowo paid his first official visit to West Papua as president in November, visiting the Merauke district in South Papua province, which is the site of the world’s largest deforestation project, with clearing beginning in mid-2024, and it will eventually comprise of 2 million deforested hectares turned into giant sugarcane plantations, via the destruction of forests, wetlands and grasslands.

Five consortiums, including Indonesian and foreign companies, are involved in the project, with the first seedlings having been planted in July. And despite promises that the megaproject would not harm existing forests, these areas are being torn down regardless. And part of this deforestation includes the razing of forest that had previously been declared protected by the government.

A similar program was established in Merauke district in 2011, by Widodo’s predecessor president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who established rice and sugarcane plantations in the region, aiming to turn it into a “future breadbasket for Indonesia”. However, the plan was a failure, and the project was rather used as a cover to establish hazardous palm oil and pulpwood plantations.

“It is not a coincidence Prabowo has announced a new transmigration program at the same time as their ecocidal deforestation regime intensifies,” Wenda said in a November 2024 statement. “These twin agenda represent the two sides of Indonesian colonialism in West Papua: exploitation and settlement.”

Wenda added that Jakarta is only interested in West Papuan land and resources, and in exchange, Indonesia has killed at least half a million West Papuans since 1963. And while the occupying nation is funding other projects via the profits it’s been making on West Papuan palm oil, gold and natural gas, the West Papuan provinces are the poorest in the Southeast Asian nation.

Independence is still key

The 1962 New York Agreement involved the Netherlands, West Papua’s former colonial rulers, signing over the region to Indonesia. A brief United Nations administrative period was to be followed by Jakarta assuming control of the region on 1 May 1963. And part of the agreement was that West Papuans undertake the Act of Free Choice, or a 1969 referendum on self-determination.

So, if the West Papuans didn’t vote to become an autonomous nation, then Indonesian administration would continue.

However, the UN brokered referendum is now referred to as the Act of No Choice, as it only involved 1,026 West Papuans, handpicked by Indonesia. And under threat of violence, all of these men voted to stick with their colonial oppressors.

Wenda presented The People’s Petition to the UN Human Rights High Commissioner in January 2019, which calls for a new internationally supervised vote on self-determination for the people of West Papua, and it included the signatures of 1.8 million West Papuans, or 70 percent of the Indigenous population.

The exiled West Papuan leader further announced the formation of the West Papua provisional government on 1 December 2020, which involved the establishment of entire departments of government with heads of staff appointed on the ground in the Melanesian province, and Wenda was also named the president of the body.

But with the coming of Prabowo and the recent developments in West Papua, it appears the West Papuan struggle is about to intensify at the same time as the movement for independence becomes increasingly more prominent on the global stage.

“Every element of West Papua is being systematically destroyed: our land, our people, our Melanesian culture identity,” Wenda said in November, in response to the recommencement of Indonesia’s transmigration program and the massive environment devastation in Merauke.

“This is why it is not enough to speak about the Act of No Choice in 1969: the violation of our self-determination is continuous, renewed with every new settlement program, police crackdown, or ecocidal development.”

PAUL GREGOIRE

Paul Gregoire is a Sydney-based journalist and writer. He’s the winner of the 2021 NSW Council for Civil Liberties Award For Excellence In Civil Liberties Journalism. Prior to Sydney Criminal Lawyers®, Paul wrote for VICE and was the news editor at Sydney’s City Hub.

Conflict escalation in Intan Jaya comes with civilian casualties and further internal displacement

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Human Rights Monitor

Cases, Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua / 15 November 2024 

The Indonesian military continues to intensify its operations in West Papua, leading lately to increased displacement of indigenous communities and severe human rights abuses. Recent reports from the conflict-ridden region of Intan Jaya in Papua province have raised serious concerns about the safety of civilians caught in the crossfire between the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Reports also indicate that the military has seized land belonging to the Moni Tribe in Intan Jaya Regency, without the consent or agreement of the indigenous community. The land, located in Silatugapa Village, is intended for the construction of a new military battalion. This move has sparked outrage among local communities and human rights organisations. The Moni Tribe, like many other indigenous groups in Papua, relies heavily on the forest for their livelihoods and cultural practices. The military’s presence in the area could severely restrict their access to vital resources and traditional lands.

Since 18 October 2024, the Indonesian military has been engaged in a counterattack against the TPNPB Kodap VIII Intan Jaya troops in Sugapa District. While there were no reported casualties on either side during the initial clashes, the situation has escalated, leading to casualties and significant civilian displacement and further potential human rights violations. Civilians in Titigi, Eknemba, and Ndugisiga Villages have fled to the forest due to the deployment of military troops in their areas. Schools have been closed, and civilian homes and infrastructure have been damaged by gunfire. The operation have been ongoing until at least 25 October.

On 1 November 2024, an incident occurred when a 27-year-old civilian, Justinus Sani, was shot by the TNI in the village of Joparu. The shooting, allegedly carried out with a sniper rifle from a distance of 400 meters, left Sani injured.The military has also been accused of using excessive force, arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings. In addition, the establishment of military posts in civilian areas has disrupted the daily lives of communities and limited their freedom of movement.

Human rights organisations have expressed deep concern over the ongoing conflict and the escalating human rights abuses. Civilians, including women, children, and the elderly, have been caught in the crossfire, with many suffering from injuries, displacement, and even death.

Local communities and human rights organisations have called on the Indonesian government to immediately cease military operations in Papua, respect the rights of indigenous communities, and hold perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable. They have also urged the international community to increase pressure on the Indonesian government to address the crisis in Papua. Key recommendations include:

Independent Investigation: A thorough investigation into the civilian casualties, conducted by impartial authorities.

Transparency: Public disclosure of the number of military personnel deployed to Papua and the legal basis for their operations.

Adherence to International Law: Strict adherence to international humanitarian law and human rights law.

Peaceful Dialogue: The facilitation of dialogue between the government and the TPNPB to find a peaceful solution.

Photos of victim Justinus Sani