In the wake of looting and rioting in late August, President Prabowo Subianto deployed more than 75,000 Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers to secure areas in and around Jakarta.

Editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Fri, September 19, 2025 

Political developments in the past few weeks have not been very kind to the concept of civilian supremacy in the country. In the wake of looting and rioting that took place in late August, President Prabowo Subianto agreed to the deployment of more than 75,000 soldiers from the Indonesian Military (TNI) to secure areas within and around Jakarta.  It could have been a bigger display of military might, as security authorities proposed the deployment of more than 100,000 troops in the city. The troops’ deployment may have been the largest in the capital city since 1998, when soldiers in armored vehicles patrolled the streets following civil unrest that ended with the resignation of then-president Soeharto. 

Also in response to the unrest in August, President Prabowo sacked coordinating minister for political and security affairs Budi Gunawan after serving only 10 months in office, convinced that the former police general had failed to coordinate a proper response to handle the protests and street violence.

To replace Budi, on Wednesday President Prabowo inaugurated Djamari Chaniago, his senior at the military academy who in the late 1990s served as commander of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad). 

The appointment of Djamari is only the latest in a series of decisions allowing both active and retired military generals to take charge of civilian institutions.  In May this year, then-finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati appointed Djaka Budhi Utama, a retired lieutenant general who was once found guilty of kidnapping human rights activists, as head of the Customs and Excise Directorate General.  Later in July, another Army officer Maj. Gen. Ahmad Rizal Ramdhani was appointed as president director of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog), in charge of one of the most crucial agencies involved in food security.

Other than packing civilian institutions with military generals, President Prabowo has also designed policies that allow military officers to have leading positions in their execution. In the food security program, the plan is to have thousands of soldiers deployed in the country’s remote regions to work on lands that will produce rice and other staple foods.  Currently, TNI soldiers are taking leading roles in a forestry task force that is expected to seize lands illegally occupied or used by palm oil companies.  Plans are also afoot to expand the military presence outside of Java, including the deployment of the Army’s Special Forces (Kopassus) to far-flung regions. 

This certainly looks like an aberration in a civilian-led democracy like Indonesia. But the reality today is that this expansion of the military’s role in politics could find its legal justification in the revised TNI Law, which was passed without much fanfare in March this year.



The revised law increases the number of state institutions to which military officers can be appointed without having to retire early from the service from 10 to 14. The new legislation also expands the TNI’s non-combat operations and extends sitting officers’ retirement age. When the Constitutional Court (MK) read its ruling on Wednesday to uphold the legality of the revised TNI Law, the court’s judges were up against insurmountable odds.  It was difficult for them to turn the tide in a political atmosphere that was already welcoming the increased presence of the military in civilian affairs. And with soldiers still patrolling the streets as the court was hearing the case, it was as if the panel of judges was staring down the barrel.

But it is unfair to pin our hopes on the court to save this nation from rising militarism. 

 The job of ensuring civilian supremacy should be in the hands of politicians both in the executive and legislative branches of the government, it is they who should devise rules mandating that the primary role of the military is national defense.

The shadow of Soeharto’s past now seems to loom over the nation, threatening the civilian supremacy we fought so hard to establish.

Last Wednesday marked the 27th anniversary of a pivotal moment in Indonesian history. On 21 May 1998, the nation demonstrated its collective power by forcing Soeharto to end his 32-year authoritarian rule.

This milestone achievement, which The Jakarta Post recorded in its memorable headline “I QUIT”, paved the way for Indonesia to become the world’s third-largest democracy in less than a decade. However, the shadow of Soeharto’s past now seems to loom over the nation, threatening the civilian supremacy we fought so hard to establish.

Just one year after Soeharto’s fall from grace, Indonesia surprised the world with its first democratic elections, which were held in a free and peaceful manner. This commitment to democracy deepened in 2004 with the adoption of direct presidential elections, followed a year later by direct regional head elections.

Indonesia stands as a remarkable example, likely the only predominantly Muslim nation that has consistently proven Islam’s compatibility with even the most sophisticated democratic systems. In many other Islamic nations, democracy remains fragile or is even suppressed in the name of religion.

Indonesia now confronts the danger of a complete reversal in its democratic trajectory. While in 1998, the military was largely seen as the primary cause of political and economic instability, a growing number of civilians now view the Indonesian Military (TNI) as a potential saviour amid rising frustration with civilian governments at both central and regional levels.

However, the public must remember that any return of the military to public life should be for limited and ad hoc purposes. We must acknowledge that Indonesia’s largely Army-centric military currently faces no significant external security or defence threats. As an archipelagic nation, the Navy and Air Force should naturally play more strategic roles.

It is unrealistic to expect the military to simply remain in their barracks when they have little to do. So, what is a solution that upholds the strict principle of civilian supremacy while being acceptable to all?

The public is increasingly weary of seemingly rampant abuses of power by state officials and political elites. They are also fed up with the corrupt and abusive behaviour of the police. Consequently, many desire the military to step out of the barracks and reengage in social-political affairs.

President Prabowo Subianto, a former son-in-law of Soeharto, has repeatedly pledged to strictly abide by the Constitution, including upholding democracy. We trust the president’s commitment, and we believe his government will be stable, given that his ruling coalition controls more than 80% of the House of Representatives.

The end of Soeharto’s regime remains an unforgettable event for Prabowo, as just three months after the former’s resignation, Prabowo himself was dismissed from the military. Furthermore, Prabowo has often been linked to atrocities, including the abduction of government critics, although his case was never brought to justice.

The sweeping reforms removed the military’s privileges, recognising that Soeharto had used the institution to cling to power. In 2004, the House of Representatives passed the TNI Law, primarily outlining its duties for external security and defence, with tight restrictions on military personnel holding civilian positions.

However, in February this year, the House endorsed a revision of this law that allows the military to reclaim some of its old power. The government insists that the revised TNI Law only focuses on three main issues: expanding military operations other than war, increasing civilian posts that can be held by active TNI personnel and changing soldiers’ mandatory retirement age. This assurance, however, has not been enough to quell public scepticism.

After nearly three decades, there are convincing signs of the state’s temptation to revert to the Soeharto era, when stability was the currency. The election of Prabowo, in particular, has clearly become a significant moment for the military to potentially regain lucrative power in social-political affairs.

Twenty-seven years ago, Soeharto stepped down after nationwide protests. May the day serve as a clarion call to the nation, reminding us all that we must never abandon the vibrant tapestry of democracy which was woven with our blood and tears.

Republished from The Jakarta Post, 21 May 2025

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Human Rights News / Indonesia / 27 March 2025 

Widespread protests in Indonesia erupted across the country in response to the government’s controversial revision of the 2004 Indonesian Armed Forces Law. Student-led demonstrations in various cities have been met with forceful responses from security forces, raising serious concerns about police violence, the stifling of civil society participation, and the erosion of democratic freedoms in Indonesia.

The proposed amendments to the law, which were ratified by Indonesia’s House of Representatives in March 2025, significantly expand the military’s role in civilian governance. These revisions allow active military personnel to occupy key positions in government ministries, the judiciary, and other civilian institutions, a move that activists argue undermines the country’s young democracy. Furthermore, the changes include a shift towards a more significant military influence on civilian affairs, which critics claim is reminiscent of Indonesia’s authoritarian past under the “New Order” regime of former dictator Suharto.

Protests against the law have been widespread, with students leading the charge in cities such as Jakarta, Surabaya, Malang, and Sukabumi. Many protesters have taken to the streets dressed in black, with banners reading “Return the military to the barracks” and “Watch out! New ‘New Order’ is right before our eyes.” Activists argue that the amendments are a direct threat to the progress Indonesia has made since the fall of Suharto’s military dictatorship in 1998. Human Rights Watch senior researcher Andreas Harsono voiced concerns that the law’s passage without proper public consultation further signals a regression in Indonesia’s democratic trajectory.

The protests, while largely peaceful, have been met with violent responses from security forces. In Malang, East Java, clashes broke out when police deployed riot squads and water cannons to disperse crowds. Several students were injured, and at least eight journalists were reportedly assaulted while documenting the protests. Similar scenes unfolded in other cities, with police using force to break up demonstrations, leading to injuries, detentions, and allegations of human rights abuses (see video below, source: Instagram). Notably, in Sukabumi, police detained several students and accused them of instigating violence.

Beyond physical violence, there have been instances of intimidation aimed at protest leaders. In Yogyakarta, a threatening banner was placed near a university campus, targeting one of the student leaders. This intimidation, both physical and digital, signals an alarming trend of suppressing dissent and limiting space for civil society to engage in political processes.

One of the most pressing concerns raised by activists is the government’s failure to adequately consult with the public or allow space for meaningful civil society participation in the amendment process. Critics argue that the law was rushed through parliament without sufficient debate and that the military’s increasing involvement in civilian affairs will undermine Indonesia’s democratic foundations. Furthermore, the law could open the door to greater military influence in sectors unrelated to defence, including business and governance, echoing the tactics used during the New Order era.

While the government, including Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, insists that the reforms are necessary to adapt to changing global military dynamics, activists and students argue that these changes endanger fundamental democratic principles. They fear the expansion of the military’s role in civilian governance may reduce the space for free expression, undermine civilian supremacy, and set back the country’s progress toward democracy.

The Indonesian government’s handling of the crisis—especially its treatment of protesters and the military’s expanding role in government—poses a significant challenge to the nation’s democracy. The events of recent weeks underscore the urgent need for reform, transparency, and respect for human rights, particularly in the context of any changes to laws that impact the nation’s future governance. Following the hasty amendment of the law and the increasing role of the military in civilian matters, there is an urgent need to also revise Military Court Law 31/1997, so that TNI members can be tried in civilian courts if they are accused of having committed violent acts against civilian victims.

By Duncan Graham 

Feb 17, 2025

Before the 18th century Enlightenment, church and state in Europe were one. In Indonesia, fears that Islam will infiltrate civic affairs go back to the founding of the Republic. Instead, the threats are not from the mosques, but the military.

The nation with more Muslims than any other state is constitutionally secular, but it’s heading towards a stratocracy.

Since becoming the eighth president, Prabowo Subianto has been bringing khaki into national and regional public offices following the policy of second President Suharto from the last century.

Prabowo’s former father-in-law called it Dwifungsi – two functions. It was widely discredited and grossly inefficient. Unelected generals had reserved seats in the Parliament; lesser ranks were posted to run departments where they had few wanted skills.

Suharto was a former general. Likewise Prabowo, though his history is ignominious; in 1998 he was cashiered for disobeying orders. He fled to exile in Jordan, but he’s now back imposing his military fantasies and undermining democracy.

He’s even forced his overstocked 109-strong ministry (13 are women) into fatigues and humiliating parades. Like Donald Trump, he plans to scrap the awkward and costly elections and bring back appointments. As in the US, these jobs would go to mates, rellies and donors.

The policy in the world’s fourth-largest country isn’t confined to setting up regional military centres; it’s also putting lower ranks into menial jobs, delivering LPG gas bottles to the poor and lunches to school kids. This isn’t assuaging hunger, but creating fear in West Papua.

About 5000 soldiers from other provinces have been hunting tribesmen demanding independence; a low-level guerilla war has been underway in the mountains and jungles for about 50 years.

Civilian families in the occupied province hate being shadowed by armed men and are wary of their intentions, for one of their tactics is torture. Now they’re dishing out food.

The imagination flares: What better way to subdue dissidents than by poisoning their food? There’s no evidence that’s happening, but the fear is real. Who couldn’t have foreseen the reaction?

The lunch box program comes from a promise last year by Prabowo during the presidential election campaign, which he won. Makan Bergizi Gratis (MBG free nutritious meals) was poorly planned and is now being badly executed.

The Papuans’ distrust has been reinforced by the story of 40 students from a school in Central Java throwing up after gulping down free meals. Indonesian media reports claimed dozens had fallen ill in North Kalimantan. Poor hygiene has been blamed.

MBG is a worthy bid to curb stunting that cripples about 20% of the next generation. (The Australian figure is 2.3%.)

Lousy diets plus poor access to services, particularly in remote regions, are blamed by UNICEF for the tragedy. Two of five children under five don’t get basic food groups.

Other factors: Pregnant mums need top-quality tucker. Anything less lets in infections that stunt the babe’s growth in the womb. Six per cent of newborns are underweight.

With these figures it’s clear education on pregnancy and child rearing is as important as free food. A whole-of-problem strategy is needed.

The original budget allocation of Rp 15,000 ($1.50) for an MBG meal was slashed by Prabowo to Rp 10,000 – a sum too small for wholesome ingredients, cooking and delivery. So the armed forces have been recruited, distressing a society where trust is as short as protein.

“The people of Papua are complaining and rejecting the free nutritious food for school children because the food is provided by the TNI (Army) and Polri (police),” local religious leader Wenior Pakage told the media.

“They’re afraid for their children that they’ll be murdered with poison, resulting in an extermination. The community wants the program scrapped and the funds transferred to pay school fees so students can obtain knowledge for free.”

Hundreds of kids in uniform reportedly left classes and protested in the streets of Yahukimo Regency, waving banners rejecting MBG. The story can’t be independently verified because the foreign media is banned from Papua.

Schooling is compulsory nationally and supposedly gratis, but fees for registration, books, uniforms, teacher gratuities, funds for new buildings and other imposts are common. They’re usually masked as “donations” and vary from school to school.

The money to make learning free is here in abundance, literally underfoot. Papua is where Croesus took a breather and stayed.

The western half of the island of New Guinea has a population of around four million. The indigenous people are nominally Christian; the newcomers are mainly Muslim. They’ve migrated from Java, contractors and miners to work on the Grasberg opencut and underground copper and gold mines, among the largest in the world.

This joint venture between the Indonesian Government and the US company Freeport has a workforce of more than 30,000. In 2023, it reportedly generated a net income of US$3.16 billion.

Prabowo is no cheerleader for democracy and reportedly wants funds “redirected to public welfare projects, including providing free meals for schoolchildren”. Who’d think the savings might go elsewhere in a country shot through with corruption?

The MBG idea seems worthwhile, but its implementation has hit many snags apart from Papua fear and Central Java food poisoning. Unpalatable meals and insufficient funds are also among the complaints.

Project head Dadan Hindayana wants  an extra US$6.11 billion just to reach a quarter of the target of 83 million by the end of 2025.

Prabowo’s reputation with the wong cilik (the masses) rides on making the MBG work and the scheme permanent. This can’t be done on dollar a day meals without using bad food and the military as waiters.

To do good, the president’s kitchen needs cleanliness, a new menu and professional caterers. Any tariff shake-up will mean less money for the army.

For a pseudo-military man who has been out of the bang-bang business for 27 years, but still sees it as the way to go, a massive makeover might seem indigestible. But it’s doomed without a huger cash uplift.

That may come from savings elsewhere, though nothing specific. One suggestion is for the meals to be cut to one a week  an idea horrifying nutritionists.

“It should be for five days to match the nutritional adequacy measure,” said expert Tengku Syahdana. “If for one day, the needs can’t be met.”

Duncan Graham 

Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

We have reasons to worry about expanding the roles of the military beyond its domain as defender of the nation against external threats. Editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Thu, February 13, 2025

the return

Cabinet retreat cartoon (JP/T. Sutanto)

President Prabowo Subianto has once again displayed his penchant for military figures filling strategic posts within his government with the recent appointment of Maj. Gen. Novi Helmy Prasetya as the new president director of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog). State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) Minister Erick Thohir gave no compelling reasons for the choice of an active military officer for the civilian post other than a vague reference to the “revitalization of Bulog management” and the “changing perspectives” of the agency. But further stoking confusion, the Indonesian Military (TNI) announced on Monday that Novi had been promoted on Jan. 31 to the three-star job of commanding general of the TNI Academy, in a decree that was signed over a week before he was named the new Bulog chief. TNI spokesperson Maj. Gen. Hariyanto said on Tuesday that Novi’s appointment as Bulog chief was part of a “deal for a strategic partnership in food security between the agency and the military” and because “the SOEs Ministry sees Novi as having a chain of command that can support the delivery of food security programs”. Whatever the reasons behind Novi’s assignment to Bulog, the appointment is legally flawed and sends yet another message of the return of the TNI’s dual function, just like during the New Order, at the expense of civilian supremacy. The New Order regime was marked by significant economic growth, but also widespread human rights abuses and suppression of political freedoms.


The prevailing 2004 TNI Law says that military officers may only occupy civilian positions after they have been discharged from duty. Under this law, those who remain in active service can be seconded to certain positions in seven state institutions overseeing defense, security or intelligence and to the Search and Rescue Agency, the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) or the Supreme Court, which manages military courts.

We recall during the COVID-19 pandemic the government resorted to military deployment to assist with contact tracing efforts and health protocol enforcement or to run emergency hospitals for treating COVID patients. But that was in line with the law, which outlines 14 types of operations other than war that justify TNI participation, such as disasters and humanitarian missions. Prabowo, a former Army general himself, might want Bulog to adopt military-like discipline and focus and a clear chain of command while playing a leading role in food security. Novi is not the first man in uniform to lead Bulog, anyway, as police general Budi Waseso once led the agency in 2018-2023. Indeed, Prabowo’s presidency has seen a growing presence of the military in the government. Many of his picks for ministerial, deputy ministerial and state agency head posts are people with a military background.

He even brought members of his bloated cabinet to a military-like bootcamp at the beginning of his presidency as his way of instilling discipline. Later this month the same military-style retreat will be organized for new governors, mayors, regents and their deputies. Ironically, the public has faith in the TNI, as seen in various opinion polls that consistently rank the military as the most trusted national institution. From having the military running much of his flagship free meals program for schoolchildren to ordering the TNI to form 100 special battalions that will be assigned to farming, fisheries and animal husbandry, Prabowo’s government personifies the return of the military to civilian affairs. He might see the military style of government as more helpful to cut through the sclerotic bureaucracy in order to get things done, but we have reasons to worry about expanding the roles of the military beyond its domain as defender of the nation against external threats. It is hard to hold the military accountable given its lack of transparency and its culture of impunity, particularly when it comes to violence committed by soldiers against civilians.  We cannot dismiss concerns that the TNI’s increasing involvement in civilian affairs may pave the way for a potential return to authoritarian rule.