Monthly Archives: April 2024

Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West PapuaIn the restive eastern province, Cold War realpolitik continues to reverberate.

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By David Hutt
April 26, 2024

ASEAN BEAT | SECURITY | SOUTHEAST ASIA
Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West Papua
In the restive eastern province, Cold War realpolitik continues to reverberate.

David Hutt
By David Hutt
April 26, 2024
Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West Papua
Supporters of the independence of the West Papua shout slogans during a rally
commemorating the 59th anniversary of the failed efforts by Papuan tribal
chiefs to declare independence from Dutch colonial rule in 1961, in Jakarta,
Indonesia, Tuesday, Dec. 1, 2020.

Credit: AP Photo/Achmad Ibrahim
Last month, videos emerged of 13 soldiers from an elite Indonesian battalion in
West Java torturing a Papuan man, Definus Kogoya. According to Human Rights
Watch, Kogoya “had his hands tied behind him and been placed inside a drum
filled with water. The soldiers taunted Kogoya with racist slurs, kicking and
hitting him. In another video, a man used a bayonet to cut his back. The water
turned red.” The military, while apologizing for the incident, insisted that
Kogoya was a member of the West Papua National Liberation Army and that he and
two comrades – one of whom “died when he jumped from a military vehicle after
arrest” – had burned down a clinic. Later, the police released the two alive
men without charge.

At least 10 Papuan teenagers were killed by Indonesia’s military last September
alone, while the implications of the 2019 Papuan uprising, the largest
pro-independence mobilization in decades, are still being felt. Douglas Gerrard
produced an excellent article on the conflict (“Indonesia Is Stepping Up Its
Repression of West Papua’s Freedom Movement”) last year.

When the rest of Indonesia won independence in the 1950s, West Papua remained
part of Dutch New Guinea. Jakarta wanted the entire territory. Sukarno’s first
foreign minister demanded that Jakarta and its forces “get them down from the
trees,” a racist notion of West Papuans that aped the racism of the European
colonizers and which continues today. In the 1950s, Indonesian troops led some
incursions into the Dutch colonial holdout but they were rebuffed, in part
because Washington was unsure of which side to take, not least because Sukarno
was still flirting with the communists.

But by the end of the 1950s, as the Cold War became more intense and Indonesia
was seen as a country that had to become an ally, by hook or crook, the
Americans made it known to the Dutch that they could no longer count on U.S.
support for the status quo. Knowing that its empire would soon end and motivated
to maintain some influence in Southeast Asia once it did, the Dutch cautiously
favored independence for the West Papuans and supported the formation in 1961
of the New Guinea Council, which drafted a manifesto for Independence and
Self-Government and declared the territory Papua Barat – “West Papua.”

Still, Washington wouldn’t support the effort. Instead, it orchestrated talks
that led to the August 1962 New York Agreement. Jakarta gained control of West
Papua (renamed West Irian), and after a brief transitional period overseen by
the U.N., things were supposed to climax in (and Indonesia was obligated to
hold) a referendum on self-determination.

Starting in July 1969, U.N. officials oversaw the so-called “Act of Free
Choice,” an Orwellian term if there ever was one. The U.N. claimed it would be
a fair election conducted under international scrutiny and by international
norms. And all adults from West Papua were supposed to have a vote, per the
U.N.’s rules. However, that wasn’t the case. Jakarta upped its attacks on West
Papuan separatists, especially after Suharto became dictator in 1965. Having
already decimated much of the separatist movement, Jakarta then handpicked
1,022 West Papuans to vote on behalf of the region’s 800,000 people in the
plebiscite, despite committing to a universal ballot. Naturally, they voted
unanimously in favor of integration with Indonesia.

In July 2004, on the 35th anniversary of this Act of Free Choice, the U.S.
National Security Archive released declassified documents on U.S. policy
deliberations, which I quote liberally from below. The violation of the Act of
Free Choice was obvious long before the 1,000 or so Jakarta patsies were led
forcibly into the polling booths. In 1968, U.S. embassy officials visiting the
region noted that “Indonesia could not win an open election.”  The U.S.
ambassador, Marshall Green, fretted at the time that U.N. officials might “hold
out for free and direct elections,” while Green stressed that all U.S. and
Western officials should make known to their U.N. counterparts the “political
realities,” meaning that Washington needed the vote to go Jakarta’s way because
it was a committed anti-communist ally at the time.

By October 1968, months before the election, the U.S. Embassy wrote back to
Washington in relief that U.N. officials had conceded “that it would be
inconceivable from the point of view of the interest of the U.N., as well as
the [Government of Indonesia], that a result other than the continuance of West
Irian within Indonesian sovereignty should emerge.” Even still, Green’s
successor as U.S. ambassador, Frank Galbraith, noted in 1969, the year of the
“referendum,” that “possibly 85 to 90%” of the West Papuan population “are in
sympathy with the Free Papua cause.”

Nonetheless, Nixon and Kissinger visited Jakarta in July 1969 while the
referendum was underway. Kissinger instructed his boss, “You should not raise
this issue” of West Papua, and advised that “we should avoid any U.S.
identification with” the matter of independence or integration. This was from a
man who described Suharto as a “moderate military man … committed to progress
and reform.” (Or was that said by U.S. officials of Prabowo today?) In any
case, Indonesia’s control over the region was accepted by the international
community, West Papua became a formal part of Indonesia, and six years later
Kissinger masterminded, shadowing another U.S. president, America’s support for
Indonesia’s colonization and occupation of Timor-Leste.

Why do I write all this? For starters, it’s a story often forgotten. How many
people have heard of West Irian or West Papua or know that there remains a
separatist movement? And there remains the notion that Indonesian imperialism
ended in the 1990s with the death of the Suharto regime. That’s true for Timor-Leste,
though Indonesians traipsed off only through pools of blood. Indonesia’s
imperialism is also back in the news as Prabowo Subianto, the incoming
Indonesian president, is accused of war crimes during his time in occupied
Timor-Leste as head of the Kopassus special forces. As I argued some months
ago, it’s not always healthy to pick at history’s healing wounds, and
Indonesia’s relations with Timor-Leste, despite its barbaric past, had been
healing for several years. But it’s quite another thing for the majority of
Indonesians to elect an alleged war criminal, which must surely re-open those
wounds.

But, also, this history serves as a reminder that American foreign policy is at
its most heinous and brutally hypocritical when it wants to appease dictators
and tyrants for a greater cause. A few months ago, after the death of Henry
Kissinger, I was asked by a newspaper to write an obituary. A family emergency
meant I hadn’t the time. But, for research and pleasure, which aren’t mutually
exclusive, I did re-read a number of biographies, including Niall Ferguson’s
sonorous first volume “Kissinger: 1923-1968: The Idealist,” and its polar
opposite, Christopher Hitchens’ “The Trial of Henry Kissinger,” a short
pamphlet that dedicates a chapter to how Washington (and Kissinger) sold out
East Timorese independence and permitted an Indonesian invasion in order to
appease Suharto and to keep stoking anti-communism in Southeast Asia. Hitchens
had no space, though, for West Papua. Yet he did write: “Those who willed the
means and wished the ends are not absolved from guilt by the refusal of reality
to match their schemes.”

Realpolitik didn’t die with Kissinger last November. It is found – although not
to the same extremity as in the 1960s and 1970s – in U.S. policy in Southeast
Asia today. It’s quite obvious that Washington doesn’t just tolerate but
provokes the worst excesses of the Communist Party of Vietnam because of
China’s hostilities with Hanoi. Equally, Washington is now seeking to make
friends with Phnom Penh because it has realized that it cannot condemn
Cambodian authoritarianism at the same time as deterring Cambodia’s friendship
with Beijing, so support for Cambodian democracy has been ditched. Elsewhere,
all effort is now on rivaling China. Liberation and liberty, not least in
Myanmar, are the casualties.

Contributing Author

David Hutt is a journalist and commentator. He is a research fellow at the
Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS), and a columnist at The
Diplomat and Radio Free Asia.

--

Amnesty International Report 2023/24

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I

INDONESIA

Peaceful demonstrators were arrested and excessive force was used to break up protests. Military operations in Papua resulted in unlawful killings and torture and other ill-treatment. Pro-independence activists were imprisoned. Torture and other ill-treatment by security forces of criminal suspects was commonplace, in some cases resulting in deaths. Non-state armed groups in Papua were also responsible for unlawful killings. The government failed to conduct meaningful consultations with populations affected by controversial development projects. Indonesia remained heavily reliant on coal for energy generation and plans to phase out fossil fuels were inadequate.

Background
Tensions in Papua increased following the taking hostage in February of a pilot, a New Zealand national, by members of the National Liberation Army of Free Papua Organization (TPNPB-OPM) at Paro Airport in the remote highlands of Nduga regency, Papua Pegunungan province. In response the Indonesian military raised the operational status in Nduga to “combat alert” and deployed additional troops to the area, raising fears for the safety of civilians there and in surrounding areas.

Freedom of assembly
Security forces arrested peaceful demonstrators and used excessive force to disperse protests, often resulting in injuries.

On 5 August, police arrested 18 people who were resting in West Sumatra Grand Mosque in the provincial capital Padang during protests against plans for an oil and petrochemical refinery in Nagari Air Bangis village in Barat regency. Police removed other protesters from the building, some of whom were praying at the time, including women who were dragged from the mosque. At least five journalists who were live-streaming or reporting on the event were physically assaulted and threatened by police officers. All of those arrested, including community leaders and activists, students and lawyers, were subsequently released without charge. These events followed a six-day protest in Nagari Air Bangis by residents concerned about the risk posed by the construction of the refinery to their livelihoods and the local environment.

On 14 August, security forces arrested seven people and used tear gas to disperse protesters who were blocking a road in the city of Bandung, West Java, to protest against the planned eviction of around 300 residents of Dago Elos, a suburb of the city. Those arrested included Dago Elos residents and a lawyer who was supporting them in the land dispute. All were released on 16 August but three were charged with committing violent acts. Several people were reportedly injured as a result of excessive use of force by the police.1

Freedom of expression
Authorities continued to prosecute people for crimes against the security of the state for exercising their right to freedom of expression, including those calling for independence of Papua. At least three Papuan activists were imprisoned during the year for expressing their opinions.

On 8 August, Jayapura District Court found Yoseph Ernesto Matuan, Devio Tekege and Ambrosius Fransiskus Elopere guilty of treason under Articles 55 and 106 of the Criminal Code and sentenced them to 10 months’ imprisonment each. The three students were arrested in November 2022 while participating in a vigil at Jayapura University of Technology and Science to commemorate the 21st anniversary of the abduction and killing of pro-independence leader Theys Eluay, at which the Morning Star flag, a symbol of Papuan independence, was raised. All three were released in September having served their sentences.2

Unlawful killings
At least 26 incidents resulting in unlawful killings by security forces were reported in Papua, involving a total of 58 victims.

In September, security forces shot and killed five Indigenous Papuans in Dekai, the capital of Yahukimo regency, Papua Pegunungan province. The security forces claimed that the five, who were aged between 15 and 18, were killed in a firefight with the TPNPB-OPM. Other sources denied that the youths were members of the armed group but rather were returning to their village having bought food in Dekai. Anyone leaving Dekai was required to report to a security post on the outskirts of the city and if they failed to do so they were automatically considered to be members of the TPNPB-OPM. The authorities had not initiated investigations into the alleged killings by the end of the year.

Torture and other ill-treatment
Security forces subjected detainees to torture and other ill-treatment to extract information or confessions.

Torture and other ill-treatment remained commonplace in Papua, where incidents of arbitrary detention and torture also occurred in the context of military operations in and around Nduga regency. On 6 April, the military detained and tortured six Indigenous Papuans from Kwiyawagi village in Lanny Jaya regency, Papua Pegunungan province. The six, who included four boys, were transported by helicopter to the military headquarters in Timika, where 17-year-old Wity Unue died, reportedly as a result of injuries sustained from torture. The five others were released without charge on 20 April, but were reported to be in poor health. No one had been brought to justice by the end of the year.

In September, eight members of the narcotics division of Jakarta Metropolitan Police were named as suspects in the beating to death of a suspected drug dealer during interrogation in July. None of the eight had been charged by the end of the year.

In August, the body of Imam Masykur was found more than three weeks after he was abducted and tortured by three soldiers from the Presidential Security Force and the Indonesian military. According to the Asian Human Rights Commission, the three detained the 25-year-old in the capital, Jakarta, after accusing him of selling illegal drugs and demanded a ransom for his release. Imam Masykur’s body was found in a reservoir in West Java. In December, the three perpetrators were sentenced to life imprisonment and dismissed from the military.

Abuses by armed groups
Eleven incidents resulting in the unlawful killings of 24 victims by the TPNPB-OPM in Papua were documented during the year.

On 28 August, a spokesperson for the armed group claimed that it had killed Michelle Kurisi Doga in Kolawa, Lanny Jaya regency, Papua Pegunungan province. At the time of her death, Michelle Kurisi Doga was travelling to gather data on displacement resulting from military operations in Nduga, but according to the spokesman they suspected her of being a member of military intelligence.3

The New Zealand national taken hostage by the TPNPB-OPM in February had not been released by the end of the year.

Economic, social and cultural rights
The government failed to carry out meaningful consultations and effective human rights due diligence processes before allowing work to start on the Rempang Eco-City project, a multibillion-dollar industrial and tourism development project on Rempang Island. The project involves the relocation of around 7,500 residents from 16 villages primarily inhabited by the Tempatan Indigenous Peoples that would result in loss of access to their ancestral lands. The national development project met with strong opposition from Tempatan Peoples and other local communities. Consultations on the project were held with affected communities in August, but security at some of the meetings was reportedly heavy and observers described the meetings as a one-way dissemination of information from the government and the company to residents.

A series of protests against the acquisition of land for the Rempang Eco-City project were held in August and September, culminating in clashes with security forces on 7 September during which some protesters threw stones and water bottles and security forces responded with water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets. At least 20 protesters were injured and approximately 25 pupils from two schools located near the site of the protests required hospital treatment from the effects of tear gas. Following the events of 7 September, new joint police/military security posts were established on the island. According to the local branch of the NGO Legal Aid Institute, at least 35 people were charged with using or threatening to use violence against officials carrying out their duties, which carries a maximum prison sentence of one year and four months.4

Right to a healthy environment
Although Indonesia generated an increasing amount of its electricity from renewables, it remained heavily reliant on coal for electricity generation. Coal was also Indonesia’s biggest export product. Plans to phase out the use of fossil fuels in energy production, set out in Presidential Regulation No. 112 of 2022 on the Acceleration of Renewable Energy Development for Power Supply, were inadequate because, among other factors, although the regulation banned new coal-fired energy plants, it permits the development of those already planned. As such, the government proceeded with a planned 35 thousand-megawatt power generation project, agreed in 2015, involving the construction of 109 mainly coal-fired power plants across the country

NDONESIA 2023

Pacific churches urges MSG to expel Indonesia if it doesn’t allow UN visit to Papua

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Suara Papua – April 16, 2024

Elisa Sekenyap, Jayapura — The Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) says it deplores the recent sadistic torture of indigenous peoples of Melanesia in West Papua committed by the Indonesian government through members of the TNI (Indonesian military).

“Unfortunately this horrifying incident is only the latest in the six decades of Indonesian oppression of the people of West Papua”, PCC General Secretary Reverend James Bhagwan told Suara Papua on Sunday April 14 via email from Suva, Fiji.

The PCC’s statement was conveyed in connection with three Papuan civilians who were tortured by TNI officers in Puncak regency, Central Papua province, a video of which spread widely on social media not long ago.

Bhagwan said that the Indonesian government is a signatory to a number of United Nations conventions, which should guarantee the civil and political rights of its citizens, including West Papuans, regardless of their political ideology or religious beliefs.

“The Indonesian government should also do the same thing under what is called the Special Autonomy Law. However, people who express their rights as indigenous people, express voices that are different from the government, are routinely harassed and tortured brutally”, he said.

Bhagwan said it should be noted that Indonesia, which tries to be seen as a respected member of the international community, has been re-elected for another term as a member of the UN Human Rights Council (2024-2026).

“Do countries that supported Indonesia’s nomination as members of the UN Human Rights Council say they feel comfortable with these human rights violations?”

“With the end of the meeting of Melanesian Spearhead Group foreign officials and in anticipation of the next meeting of MSG leaders, the question is, how is it that the MSG is able to continue to allow Indonesia, which has policies and practices that demean dignity, weaken and eliminate women’s rights, children, Melanesian men and fellow MSG members, remain a member [of the MSG]?”

“Therefore in the name of justice, which is an expression of divine love, and when much of the Pacific people are reflecting on the betrayal, arbitrarily arrest, torture, fake trial and execution of our God and Savior, Jesus Christ, we call for the suspension, or even the expulsion of Indonesia from the MSG if they do not agree to facilitate a visit by the UN Human Rights [Commissioner] to West Papua”, concluded Bhagwan.

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was “Gereja Pasifik Desak MSG Keluarkan Indonesia Jika Tidak Memfasilitasi Komisi HAM PBB Ke Papua”.]

Source:

Gereja Pasifik Desak MSG Keluarkan Indonesia Jika Tidak Memfasilitasi Komisi HAM PBB Ke Papua

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Puncak Jaya’s glaciers shrank to 0.23 square kilometers by 2022: BMKG 

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April 18, 2024 18:03 GMT+700 Denpasar, Bali (ANTARA) – Central Papua’s Puncak Jaya has lost most of its glaciers, whose thickness had been recorded at only 0.23 square kilometers by April 2022, according to the Meteorology, Climatology, and Geophysics Agency (BMKG).

“The probable cause is the 2022-2023 El Nino phenomenon,” BMKG’s research and development department coordinator, Donaldi Permana, stated at a webinar on the 74th World Meteorology Day observed here on Thursday.

Permana remarked that the agency conducted a long-term observation of the glacier coverage in Indonesia’s highest peak from 2009 to 2023.

The agency found the snow thickness, which by December 2022 was recorded at six meters, had reduced to two meters on December 2023. Meanwhile, the average reduction in ice area from 2016 to 2022 was recorded at 0.07 kilometers annually.

Permana pointed out that climate change-induced global warming was the primary cause of the gradual disappearance of Indonesia’s only eternal snow.

The department chief stated that by 1850, Puncak Jaya’s snow coverage was 19 square kilometers. However, by 2020, the ice cap shrank to an estimated 0.34 square kilometers.

He said that such glacial thinning had not solely occurred in Puncak Jaya, as glaciers in other mountains in tropical regions, such as Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania, Quelccaya in Peru, and Naimona’nyi in Tibet, China, had also been affected by climate change.

The climate change made 2023 the hottest year recorded, and the average global temperature in 2014-2023 had increased by 1.20 plus-minus 0.12 degrees Celsius, Permana remarked.

The department head accentuated the need to reduce carbon emissions through mitigation and adaptive measures to reduce climate change effects and ensure the longevity of ice caps in tropical areas, such as Puncak Jaya.

Planting more trees, reducing plastic use, and using green energy will be simple steps to mitigate climate change, Permana stressed.

“If not mitigated or reduced, carbon dioxide will stay in the atmosphere, and even after 100 years, the concentration will remain at 33 percent,” he stated. 

Police arrest Russian tourist taking photos in Enarotali

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Cases, Human Rights News / Indonesia, West Papua / 9 April 2024 

A Russian tourist, Mr Shmatov Ivan Aleksandrovich, was arbitrarily arrested by Indonesian security forces in the town of Enarotali, Paniai Timur District, Papua Tangah Province, on 11 March 2024 (see photo, source: Suara Papua). The arrest occurred while Ivan was photographing community activities at a local market. Local informants confirmed that Mr. Aleksandrovich visited the town as a tourist to document the cultural activities of the Mee tribe. Indonesian soldiers conducted the arrest because they suspected him of being a foreign journalist. Mr Aleksandrovich was detained and questioned for several hours before being released.

On 11 March 2024, at approximately 12:00 pm, Indonesian security forces apprehended Mr Aleksandrovich at the traditional market in Enarotali. The arrest followed reports of Ivan taking photographs at the market, prompting authorities to detain him for questioning. Thereupon, Mr Aleksandrovich was taken to the Paniai Police Station, where members of the police Intelkam Unit interviewed him. During the interrogation, he disclosed that he had traveled from Nabire to Paniai to capture images of the indigenous people’s way of life. Despite having a valid passport and visa, police officers claimed Mr Aleksandrovich did not possess a travel document from the Directorate of Intelkam of the Papua Regional Police (‘Surat Jalan’), permitting him to visit the area.

Lieutenant Dwi S, Legal Officer of Task Force Yonif 527/BY, responded to Mr Aleksandrovich’s arrest, stating, “Our members never secured the tourist. The tourist was secured and taken by the police to the nearest police station.” He refuted claims that Mr Aleksandrovich was detained and interrogated by military personnel, emphasizing that the police were responsible for handling the situation.

The arrest raises significant concerns regarding freedom of movement and ongoing reports of arbitrary detention in West Papua. The case highlights the restrictions individuals, particularly foreigners, face when visiting the region. The incident underscores broader issues related to the ongoing armed conflict and the human rights crisis in West Papua, which remains isolated from access by foreign journalists.

Background

The Indonesian government restricts access to West Papua for foreign journalists and international observers. Indonesian government agencies hinder foreign journalists from conducting media coverage in West Papua. Authorities use various repressive strategies against foreign journalists, including intimidation, bureaucratic obstruction, and physical attacks, to prevent journalists from covering politically sensitive events. This picture contradicts  President Joko Widodo’s statement on 10 May 2015 that West Papua would be open to foreign journalists. President Joko Widodo reiterated the opening of West Papua during his official speech on Indonesia’s Independence Day on 14 August 2015.

Jokowi’s ambitious statements were never put into practice. The Indonesian government requires foreign journalists to fulfill a large number of requirements. The Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs supervises the so-called clearing house process. The requirements included detailed information on persons to be interviewed, time schedules, and locations. Moreover, government agencies clarified that reporting on human rights-related or political issues in West Papua was prohibited.

President Joko Widodo’s statement was never followed up with a presidential instruction, which may be a major reason for the ongoing confusion regarding its implementation. Contradictory information given by multiple state representatives and security force commanders indicates a lack of coherent and unified government policy to repeal restrictions on foreign media access to West Papua. 

However, on the 17th June 2015, the general director of information in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ms. Esti Andayani, said during an interview with Radio New Zealand that the government had abolished the clearing house system without providing any clear information on the new procedures which had replaced the former control mechanism. She further stated that foreign journalists would still be screened with regard to the fulfillment of visa requirements. The Foreign Ministry emphasized that all foreigners, including foreign correspondents, would still need a permission letter (‘Surat Jalan’) from the police intelligence unit if they intend to travel to West Papua. 

Possible changes in bureaucratic procedure have little impact on the situation in the field, as the arrest of Mr Aleksandrovich illustrates. If foreign journalists receive permission to cover West Papua, they still face obstructions by local government agencies and strict surveillance by the local police and intelligence. Persons interviewed by foreign journalists are at risk of being interrogated, arrested, and prosecuted, particularly if journalistic coverage includes political and human rights-related issues.

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Investment Minister Lahadalia reported for bribery, extortion over mining permits

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CNN Indonesia – March 19, 2024

Jakarta — The Mining Advocacy Network (JATAM) reported Minister of Investment and head of the Investment Coordinating Agency (BKPM), Bahlil Lahadalia, to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) today, Tuesday March 19.

The report is related to the decision to revoke mining permits by Lahadalia that was allegedly ridden with corrupt practices, namely benefiting himself, certain groups and others, and allegedly harming the country’s economy.

“This report is important in order to reveal what patterns are used by state officials, especially Minister Bahlil in relation to the process of revoking permits that have attracted a polemic”, said JATAM Coordinator Melky Nahar at the KPK Red and White Building in Jakarta on Tuesday.

Lahadalia was reported for allegedly receiving gratifications, bribes and committing extortion related to revoking and reissuing mining permits in Indonesia.

Lahadalia has been given the authority and a mandate to do this by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo since 2021.

Widodo issued Presidential Decree (Keppres) Number 11/2021 on the Investment Acceleration Task Force in which Lahadalia was appointed as the head of the task force to ensure investment realisation and resolve licensing issues as well as tracking down unproductive mining and plantations permits.

In 2022, President Widodo signed Presidential Decree Number 1/2022 on the Land Use and Investment Arrangement Task Force.

Through this decree, Lahadalia was given the power to revoke mining permits, land use rights and forest area concessions, and made it possible to facilitate social organisations, cooperatives and the like to obtain land or concessions.

The climax of this, said Nahar, was in October 2023 when then President Widodo issued Presidential Regulation Number 70/2023 on Land Allocation for Investment Arrangements.

Through this regulation, Lahadalia was given the authority to revoke mining permits, plantation and forest area concessions and could give land use permits to ormas (social or mass organisations), cooperatives and so on.

“JATAM suspects that President Jokowi’s move, which give great authority to Bahlil such that he had the power to revoke thousands of mining permits that was actually full of corruption. The indications of corruption are strengthened by allegations that Minister Bahlil fixed the tariffs or fees for a number of companies that wanted their permits restored”, said Nahar.

JATAM is asking the KPK to follow up on the report of alleged corruption involving Lahadalia.

“JATAM hopes and is urging the KPK to work quickly after this report has been made to connect the facts that have already been revealed to the public so that we can see the whole picture of the puzzle, so that we can see how depraved the alleged corruption was that happened, following this just who the parties were that gained benefits” he said.

KPK Deputy Chairperson Alexander Marwata has ordered the KPK Social Complaints Team (Dumas) to follow up on the report.

“The leadership has asked the Dumas to review the information which has been conveyed by the public”, said Marwata when sought for confirmation via a written message.

Lahadalia meanwhile has declined to respond to the report submitted by JATAM. “I don’t know, I don’t know [about it] yet”, Lahadalia said after making a complaint with the national police Criminal Investigations Directorate. (ryn/fra)

[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was “JATAM Laporkan Bahlil Lahadalia ke KPK”.]

Source:

https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20240319190659-12-1076318/jatam-laporkan-bahlil-lahadalia-ke-kpk

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Minister launches 500,000 hectares of farming land in S Papua 

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April 16, 2024 20:20 GMT+700 Jakarta (ANTARA) – Agriculture Minister Andi Amran Sulaiman and the South Papua provincial government launched 500 thousand hectares of rice fields in the region to increase agricultural production, both regionally and nationally.

“We once launched 10 thousand hectares of rice fields and now, the production has reached six tons per hectare, so it is successful,” Sulaiman said during a working visit to Merauke district here on Tuesday.

According to him, the newly launched 500 thousand hectares of agricultural land is part of the one million hectare target. “We want to make a future granary,” he said.

During the visit, he launched new farming fields developed from untapped land in South Papua.

The activity was carried out on the first day of work after the long Eid holiday. He asked local governments and farmers to utilize the farming land.

“This existing land is ready and very good, and its potential is extraordinary,” he said.

The agriculture potential in South Papua is very large in meeting domestic needs in eastern Indonesia, he added.

Sulaiman informed that currently, almost all countries in the world are experiencing long El Nino, which has led to a decline in food production.

“Here the potential is amazing and the water is abundant. Now, we make this our strength for the harvest,” he said.

Meanwhile, Merauke district head Romanus Mbaraka said that his district is known as a facade for trade and transportation in Eastern Indonesia, the Pacific, and the Melanesian sub-region.

Merauke in South Papua alone has potential agricultural land spanning 1.2 million hectares.

“South Papua province consists of four districts, 74 districts, 13 urban villages, and 674 villages. Merauke, with a total area of 127,280.69 square kilometers (and) has a population of 243,722,” Mbaraka added.

Indonesia’s claims that West Papua was never colonised false’ 

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By Doddy Morris  23 hrs ago

It has been 60 years since Indonesia has refused humanitarian agencies and international media access to enter West Papua.

According to Benny Wenda, the President of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Indonesia is comparable to North Korea in terms of media access. North Korea does not allow international media visits, and the situation in West Papua is similar.

Speaking with the Vanuatu Daily Post yesterday, Mr. Wenda said organisations such as the Red Cross, International Peace Brigades, Human Rights Agencies, and even the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) have been completely banned from West Papua for 60 years.

“Indonesia claims to be a democratic country. Then why does Indonesia refuse to allow, in line with calls from the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), a visit from the United Nations (UN) Commissioner to examine the human rights situation? It has been 60 years, yet Indonesia has not heeded this call, while the killings continue,” he said.

“If Indonesia truly upholds democracy, then it should allow a visit by the UN Commissioner. This is why we, as Melanesians and Pacific Islanders, are demanding such a visit. Even 85 countries have called for the UN Commissioner’s visit, and Indonesia must respect this as it is a member of the UN.”

The ULMWP also issued a statement, stating that over 100,000 West Papuans were internally displaced between December 2018 and March 2022, as a result of an escalation in Indonesian militarisation.

They reported that as of October 2023, 76,228 Papuans remained internally displaced, and over 1,300 Papuans were killed between 2018 and 2023, and a video of Indonesian soldiers torturing a West Papuan in Puncak has made international news.

In response to the disturbing video footage about incident in Papua, Indonesia stated that the 13 Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) personnel (National Armed Forces of Indonesia) involved have been detained.

“The Embassy emphasised that torture is not the policy of the Government of Indonesia nor its National Armed Forces or Indonesian National Police,” the statement relayed.

“Therefore, such actions cannot be tolerated. Indonesia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to upholding human rights, including in Papua, in accordance with international standards.”

The ULMWP said Indonesian is lobbying in Vanuatu and the Pacific, presenting themselves as friends, while allegedly murdering and torturing Melanesians.

“For instance, in the Vanuatu Daily Post interview published on Thursday this week, the Indonesian Ambassador to Vanuatu claimed that West Papua was never colonised. This claim is flatly untrue: for one thing, the Ambassador claimed that ‘West Papua has never been on the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation (C-24)’ – but in fact, West Papua was added to the list of ‘Non-Self Governing Territories’ as the Dutch decolonised in the 1960s,” the Movement stated.

“According to the 1962 New York Agreement, West Papua was transferred to Indonesia on the condition of a free and fair vote on independence. However, in 1969, a handpicked group of 1,022 West Papuans (of an estimated population of 800,000) was forced to vote for integration with Indonesia, under conditions of widespread coercion, military violence and intimidation.

“Therefore, the right to self-determination in West Papua remains unfulfilled and decolonisation in West Papua is incomplete under international law. The facts could not be clearer: West Papua is a colonised territory.”

The Vanuatu Daily Post also asked some similar questions that had been posed to Indonesia on March 28, 2024, to which Mr. Wenda responded adeptly. Additionally, he provided insightful commentary on the current geopolitical landscape.

What do you believe Indonesia’s intention is in seeking membership in the MSG?

Indonesia’s intention to join MSG is to prevent West Papua from becoming a full member. Their aim is to obstruct West Papua’s membership because Indonesia, being Asian, does not belong to Melanesia. While they have their own forum called the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), we, as Melanesians, have the PIF, representing our regional bloc. Indonesia’s attempt to become an associate member is not in line with our Melanesian identity. Melanesians span from Fiji to West Papua, and we are linguistically, geographically, and culturally distinct. We are entitled to our Melanesian identity.

Currently, West Papua is not represented in MSG; only Indonesia is recognised. We have long been denied representation, and Indonesia’s intention to become an associate member solely to impede West Papua’s inclusion is evident.

Is Indonesia supporting West Papua’s efforts to become a full member of the MSG?

I don’t think their intention is to support; rather, they seek to exert influence within Melanesia to obstruct and prevent it. This explains their significant investment over the last ten years. Previously, they showed no interest in Melanesian affairs, so why the sudden change?

What aid is Indonesia offering Vanuatu and for what purpose? What are Indonesia’s intentions and goals in its foreign relations with Vanuatu?

I understand that Indonesia is an associate member of the MSG and contributes to its annual budget, which is acceptable. However, if Indonesia is investing heavily here, why aren’t they focusing on addressing the needs of their own people? I haven’t observed any Ni-Vanuatu begging on the streets from the airport to here (Golden Port). In contrast, in Jakarta, there are people sleeping under bridges begging for assistance. Why not invest in improving the lives of your own citizens? People in Jakarta endure hardships, living in slum settlements and under bridges, whereas I have never witnessed any Melanesians from West Papua to Fiji begging. So, why the sudden heavy investment here, and why now? —

In West Papua, the Birth of a ‘Lost Generation’

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As the world closely watches Gaza and Ukraine, a source reaches out from another enclosed area of prolonged armed conflict: West Papua.

By Klas Lundström April 06, 2024

https://thediplomat.com/2024/04/in-west-papua-the-birth-of-a-lost-generation

I know what you think,” the source tells me. “That it’s fake. It’s not fake. It’s our life.”

It is a video of an act of torture in Gome, in central West Papua. It shows a man with his hands tied inside a water-filled drum. Men take turns beating and kicking the man, screaming racist slurs that have been an ominous ingredient of the Indonesian occupation of West Papua since the 1960s. 

The tied man is incapable of any form of resistance. He is alone, the perpetrators are plenty. A bayonet cuts the man’s back and the water turns red. There is no way out of the entrapment without the assistance of his surroundings. But no one in the beating party is there to assist him – nor is Indonesia present in West Papua to assist its people.

The man’s name is Definus Kogoya. He was arrested on February 3, 2024, suspected of arson – a suspicion that was swiftly written off by the police. By then, however, another suspect, Warinus Kogoya, had perished when he “jumped” from a police truck, trying to escape.

Collective Punishment

In the hands of the military, Definus Kogoya was subjected to the collective frustration of the Indonesian army, which despite its dominance in terms of military and technological equipment has proved incapable of breaking down a popular rebellion in West Papua, consisting of both armed and non-violent resistance. 

The torture video is a testament to the everyday violence, discrimination, and humiliation that Indonesian army personnel subject the West Papuan population to. Had the soldiers never eternalized their bestial act on video, it remains highly uncertain that any legal consequences would have eventuated – as is the case now. 

Thirteen soldiers from the 300 Infantry Raider Battalion, stationed in conflict-ridden central West Papua, have been arrested, accused of torture. In the wake of the video’s wide circulation, the Indonesian military openly apologized to “all Papuan people” for the event. Benny Wenda, a prominent West Papuan political leader in exile in London, stated in a video comment that “torture is such a widespread military practice that it has been described as a ‘mode of governance’ in West Papua.”

Severe and Rampant Deforestation

The act of torture is a haunting mirroring image of Indonesia’s colonial policy in West Papua. It is about beating the soil free of natural resources. Large-scale deforestation to pave the way for palm oil operations and mining sites is so severe and rampant that significant parts of West Papua’s virgin forests have been turned into “pockets,” like oases in a desert. 

“People are leaving their lands,” a source tells me. Where do they go? I ask. “Anywhere,” is the answer, another way of saying nowhere.

The controversial “Omnibus Law,” pushed through by outgoing Indonesian President Joko Widodo as a “policy of development,” includes the establishment of large-scale food estates to secure food availability for Indonesia, while also providing large areas of West Papua’s “unused areas” to mining, forestry, and infrastructure projects. All of these operations have been linked to continued deforestation, according to various environmental watchdogs who have also reported on a “significant underreporting” of methane emissions from Indonesia’s coal mines. 

“A lot of land use and land-based investment permits have already been given to businesses, and a lot of these areas are already prone to disasters,” Arie Rompas, a forestry expert at Greenpeace, told The Associated Press.

A New “Blood-stained” President

President-elect and long-time military potentate Prabowo Subianto, controversial due to his tainted human rights record, has not only promised to continue his predecessor’s development policy in places like West Papua; he inherits an armed conflict that since late 2018 has shown Jakarta (and the rest of the world) that large portions of West Papuans simply won’t accept being treated as second-class citizens anymore.

What’s clearer – and worse from Jakarta’s perspective – is that their claim and request for a U.N.-observed referendum on independence from Indonesia, to make up for the “Act of Free Choice” in 1969, when a thousand “chosen” Papuans voted for “integration with Indonesia” at gunpoint, simply won’t go away despite Indonesia’s brutal military response. In Sentani, in northern West Papua on April 2, 77 people were sprayed with teargas and arrested for participating in a peaceful demonstration against the militarization of West Papua. Many were severely beaten, reported Human Rights Monitor.

The New Zealand pilot kidnapped last year and still in the hands of armed rebel forces is another political hand grenade for the president-elect. In February, the rebels said Phillip Mehrtens would be released, but did not specify when. Prabowo has proven more than capable of launching large-scale military operations in West Papua. In 1984, he ordered Indonesian special forces, the notorious Kopassus, to “clean up” outspoken independence advocates. Among the operations were various border crossings into Papua New Guinea in search of rebels. In the no-man’s land between PNG and West Papua, along Fly River, I interviewed displaced West Papuans who still recall the brutality and lack of mercy that Indonesian forces showed civilians during these mid-1980s military operations.

The IDPs Crisis Persists

The systematic brutality directed at West Papuans while in custody is mirrored by a total lack of presence when it comes to the more than 60,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Central Highlands. The Secretariat of Justice and Peace of the Catholic Church stated in a November 2023 report that the “IDP crisis persists” and that people have perished in poorly functioning refugee camps due to the lack of the most basic access to food and healthcare. Many of the dead are minors, who lived their entire short lives on the run, after seeing their lands bombed by Indonesian forces (allegedly using chemical weapons) or becoming victims of land grabs. Land is not infrequently confiscated by mining, logging, and palm oil interests, or integrated as “available lands” for Indonesian transmigrants from Java and Sulawesi. 

The existing infrastructure in the abandoned villages in the highlands has often either been demolished or damaged. Schools, churches, and health clinics are no longer places of education, collectiveness, and care, but instead turned into military headquarters, according to a 2023 Human Rights Monitor report. Humanitarian law is not respected, instead thousands of men, women, children, and elderly have been cast into a life “in subhuman conditions, without access to food, healthcare services, or education.” 

A Stand Against “Settler Colonialism”

Esther Haluk, a West Papuan democratic rights activist who was among those arrested in a May 2022 military sweep, looks to the future with fear. The conflict, she underlined in a speech, “is not about color television or 3G internet, it’s about indigenous dignity and a stand against militarism.”

“This is a real form of settler colonialism, a form of colonization that aims to replace the indigenous people of the colonized area with settlers from colonial society,” she added. “In this type of colonialism, indigenous people are not only threatened with losing their territory but also their way of life and identity that’s been passed down to them from generation to generation.”

The situation in the highlands resembles that which has lasted for decades along the border between West Papua and Papua New Guinea. Along Fly River, in a political and socioeconomic no-man’s-land, entire generations have been sacrificed due to the lack of schools, proper healthcare, and long-term-sustainable job opportunities. PNG authorities were – and remain – less than interested in facilitating social service for the refugees, let alone being a spokesperson for a just and secure reintegration of the displaced back into West Papuan society. The same goes for the world community.

“They kill the future by displacing the young,” one source tells me. “It’s a slow genocide that will pick up speed with time.”

The birth of a “lost generation” in the highlands, left to be cared for by local churches while Indonesia keeps the door shut for U.N. and independent reporters to document the short- and long-term conditions for IDPs, takes place in a world occupied with Ukraine and Gaza. To make matters worse, leaked lists of personal information and telephone numbers of local independent reporters and human rights activists underlines an eagerness to pester anyone who sets out to document the reality in West Papua with threatening calls and messages.

“The people of West Papua are constantly hit by the forces of Indonesian colonial weapons,” a source tells me. “But we will never back down, we have no choice but to keep fighting for our right to live.”

* Note on sources: All sources are anonymous due to safety concerns. To minimize the risk of exposure their individual expertise, geographical domicile, and job titles are not presented, but they include human rights workers, environmental activists, and politicians.

GUEST AUTHOR

 Klas Lundström  Klas Lundström is an investigative reporter and writer, based in Stockholm, who has reported from Indonesia, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste, and West Papua for various media outlets

Vanuatu Daily Post Exclusive: Indonesian Gov’t says West Papua has never been colonised, reveals an increase in Indonesia-Vanuatu trade since 2022

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By Doddy Morris 

The Vanuatu Daily Post Newspaper has criticised Indonesia for its contradictory stance on human rights issues, particularly supporting human rights activities in Gaza while overlooking the controversial ongoing situation in West Papua.

Indonesia had often condemned the violence and called for a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Indonesian Government has also provided humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza.

During an exclusive interview by the Vanuatu Daily Post News Coordinator, Mavuku Tokona, with a delegation from the Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in Canberra, led by the Ambassador of Indonesia to Vanuatu, Dr Siswo Pramono, the Vanuatu Daily Post labelled Indonesia’s stand as hypocritical.

The Indonesian government’s response to these accusations sparked further discussion about the complication of international relations and human rights advocacy and their issue with West Papua, saying West Papua has never been colonised.

But Ambassador Pramono said labelling them hypocrites is not useful, as he outlines details on both sides of their conflict with West Papua.

“You called me a hypocrite, but I called you misinformed. It’s not useful to accuse somebody like that; we have a report from the University of Gadjah Mada that mentions every detail of casualties on both sides of the conflict,” he said.

“Data is very important because I don’t want to speculate on things. It’s a 2022 study by the University of Gadjah Mada revealing that the majority of the violence in Papua was carried out by criminal armed groups between 2010 and 2022.”

According to Dr Pramono, during a 12-year span from 2010 to 2022, 127 civilians, 61 military personnel, and 27 police of Indonesia were allegedly killed by the West Papua criminal armed group, and 104 civilians, 80 military personnel, and 46 police have been injured. On the other hand, 43 criminal armed group members from West Papua were killed, and 14 were injured.

He said the criminal armed group also committed violence against the local population, construction workers building bridges in Papua, and foreigners, such as the kidnapping of a pilot, (Philip Mehrtens).

Mr. Mehrtens, a Susi Air pilot, was abducted by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) in February 2023 after landing in the remote region of Nduga. The rebel group has vowed not to release the pilot until Indonesia grants independence to its Papua provinces.

Ambassador Pramono added that according to the University of Gadjah Mada report, six schools, two elementary schools, and two high schools have also been destroyed by the rebels, along with their local district registry office and 33 civilian houses and teachers’ compound.

“This is all on record. So you cannot simply say there is no violence because there is violence, and the armed group is very active. You cannot imagine sending a journalist to a region like that,” said Dr Pramono.

“In any conflict region, normally the authority is going to impose some limitations, not only in Indonesia but everywhere, so the human rights situation — this is the reality. However, we rebuild what has been destroyed, and we replace the teachers who have been displaced or killed with new ones.”

The Vanuatu Daily Post also asked other related questions about the issue of West Papua, to which the Indonesian delegation led by Ambassador Pramonoresponded. These questions and responses are shared with our readers here:

Vanuatu has been very vocal about the West Papua conflict. What impact, if any, does this have on trade relations between Port Vila and Jakarta?

The trade relationship is good. Numbers speak for themselves, and you can verify them on the Internet. I won’t deceive you. Over the last two years, trade between Vanuatu and Indonesia has increased from U.S. 5.7 million dollars in 2022 to 8.7 million U.S. dollars in 2023.

So, in terms of trade, things are improving between the two countries. This is democracy. We respect your opinions, and you should respect ours. However, the reality is that business is thriving between our nations.

Due to Indonesia’s presence in West Papua, European countries have imposed bans on Indonesian products. Since Vanuatu has not followed suit, does this imply that Port Vila cannot afford to lose Jakarta as a trade partner?

I haven’t heard about European countries imposing a ban because of the Papuan issue. You should provide evidence for such claims. As far as I know, there is no ban on Indonesian products due to West Papua, perhaps on palm oil, but that’s unrelated to West Papua.

In fact, European countries are increasingly investing in Papua. Petroleum is a major industry with substantial European investment, and foreign investment in Papua is rising by 30%, including from Australia.

Why is Indonesia offering aid to Vanuatu, and why?

There are several reasons. Firstly, we aim for a more stable region because we are part of the Pacific. Stability in the region is crucial, which is why we engage not only with Vanuatu but also with the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) as a whole and other Pacific nations.

Secondly, we believe in globalisation. It’s apparent that no one is isolated anymore; everyone is connected. If there’s an economic crisis in one place, it will affect other areas. Therefore, ensuring economic stability in the Pacific is vital. We refer to this as Pacific elevation – enhancing stability and economic well-being in the region.

In terms of development cooperation, we extend support to the Pacific. Firstly, to the MSG, and secondly, to independent countries like Vanuatu.

We offer a grant of 13 million U.S. dollars to the MSG and also provide voluntary contributions totalling about 100,000 U.S. dollars, all in aid of regional stability.

Indonesia also makes an annual contribution to the MSG, approximately 217,000 U.S. dollars since becoming associate members. Additionally, we’ve supplied two operational vehicles, both manufactured in Indonesia and known as Indonesian Toyotas, contributing to our positive relations with the MSG.

Moreover, we’ve provided humanitarian assistance amounting to 20,800 U.S. dollars and invested about two million U.S. dollars in renovating the VIP lounge at the Port Vila International Airport.

Does Indonesia support West Papua’s efforts to become a full member of the MSG?

When discussing West Papua and other Melanesian provinces in Indonesia, it’s important to distinguish between West Papua and the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). If we’re talking about West Papua and other Melanesian provinces within Indonesia, we’re already members of the MSG. West Papua and Maluku are among the nine Indonesian provinces home to around 13 million Melanesians, making them already part of the MSG.

Vanuatu believes Indonesia was responsible for the massive cyber-attack that crippled the government’s Internet for four months in 2022 and caused significant disruption. Was Indonesia responsible for this?

No, Indonesia is not responsible for that. In fact, both Indonesia and Vanuatu have suffered greatly from cyber-attacks. In 2023 alone, Indonesia faced 361,000,000 cyber-attacks, severely impacting our economy.

One of the founding fathers of Vanuatu’s Independence, Father Walter Lini, made a statement that resonates through every generation, suggesting that if one Melanesian country is not free from another, then none of us are truly free. This statement is often related to West Papua and Indonesia, particularly concerning the efforts of ULMWP. What are your thoughts on this comment?

Given our commitment to decolonisation, it’s important to note that West Papua has never been on the United Nations (UN) Special Committee on Decolonisation (C-24), which means West Papua is not colonised.

While Fr. Walter Lini’s sentiment may hold merit, it’s essential to understand that his comment does not apply to Papua, as it has been part of Indonesia’s decolonisation process. Papua’s integration into Indonesia was in accordance with international law at the time.

Considering that we were all once colonised by the Dutch, from Aceh to Papua, we inherited the colonial legacy upon gaining independence, adhering to the principle of ‘uti possidetis juris’ (as you possess under law).

This principle is observed in various regions worldwide, including Africa and Latin America. Hence, when discussing West Papua in the context of Walter Lini’s vision, it’s important to recognise this historical context.

While Indonesia may not be directly involved in this issue, we believe in supporting any Pacific country or region that requires decolonisation, particularly those within the C-24 framework of the UN system.

As members of the UN Charter, both Indonesia and Vanuatu are committed to upholding the principles of a rule-based order.

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