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The return of militarism 

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We have reasons to worry about expanding the roles of the military beyond its domain as defender of the nation against external threats. Editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Thu, February 13, 2025

the return

Cabinet retreat cartoon (JP/T. Sutanto)

President Prabowo Subianto has once again displayed his penchant for military figures filling strategic posts within his government with the recent appointment of Maj. Gen. Novi Helmy Prasetya as the new president director of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog). State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) Minister Erick Thohir gave no compelling reasons for the choice of an active military officer for the civilian post other than a vague reference to the “revitalization of Bulog management” and the “changing perspectives” of the agency. But further stoking confusion, the Indonesian Military (TNI) announced on Monday that Novi had been promoted on Jan. 31 to the three-star job of commanding general of the TNI Academy, in a decree that was signed over a week before he was named the new Bulog chief. TNI spokesperson Maj. Gen. Hariyanto said on Tuesday that Novi’s appointment as Bulog chief was part of a “deal for a strategic partnership in food security between the agency and the military” and because “the SOEs Ministry sees Novi as having a chain of command that can support the delivery of food security programs”. Whatever the reasons behind Novi’s assignment to Bulog, the appointment is legally flawed and sends yet another message of the return of the TNI’s dual function, just like during the New Order, at the expense of civilian supremacy. The New Order regime was marked by significant economic growth, but also widespread human rights abuses and suppression of political freedoms.


The prevailing 2004 TNI Law says that military officers may only occupy civilian positions after they have been discharged from duty. Under this law, those who remain in active service can be seconded to certain positions in seven state institutions overseeing defense, security or intelligence and to the Search and Rescue Agency, the National Narcotics Agency (BNN) or the Supreme Court, which manages military courts.

We recall during the COVID-19 pandemic the government resorted to military deployment to assist with contact tracing efforts and health protocol enforcement or to run emergency hospitals for treating COVID patients. But that was in line with the law, which outlines 14 types of operations other than war that justify TNI participation, such as disasters and humanitarian missions. Prabowo, a former Army general himself, might want Bulog to adopt military-like discipline and focus and a clear chain of command while playing a leading role in food security. Novi is not the first man in uniform to lead Bulog, anyway, as police general Budi Waseso once led the agency in 2018-2023. Indeed, Prabowo’s presidency has seen a growing presence of the military in the government. Many of his picks for ministerial, deputy ministerial and state agency head posts are people with a military background.

He even brought members of his bloated cabinet to a military-like bootcamp at the beginning of his presidency as his way of instilling discipline. Later this month the same military-style retreat will be organized for new governors, mayors, regents and their deputies. Ironically, the public has faith in the TNI, as seen in various opinion polls that consistently rank the military as the most trusted national institution. From having the military running much of his flagship free meals program for schoolchildren to ordering the TNI to form 100 special battalions that will be assigned to farming, fisheries and animal husbandry, Prabowo’s government personifies the return of the military to civilian affairs. He might see the military style of government as more helpful to cut through the sclerotic bureaucracy in order to get things done, but we have reasons to worry about expanding the roles of the military beyond its domain as defender of the nation against external threats. It is hard to hold the military accountable given its lack of transparency and its culture of impunity, particularly when it comes to violence committed by soldiers against civilians.  We cannot dismiss concerns that the TNI’s increasing involvement in civilian affairs may pave the way for a potential return to authoritarian rule.

Two Australian journalists walk through West Papua, win journalism award

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 Syofiardi Bachyul Last updated: February 1, 2025 11:28 am 

Author: Admin Jubi Editor: Syofiardi

Jakarta, Jubi – Two journalists from Paradise Broadcasting, a new media from Sydney, Australia, who covered the use of rockets and mortars by Indonesian security forces against indigenous Papuans in the Bintang Mountains, received the Oktovianus Pogau Award from the Pantau Foundation for courage in journalism.

The Pantau Foundation appreciates the work of Kristo Langker and Kirsten Felice who crossed the forest and river on foot across the PNG and Indonesian border, without an Indonesian visa, to meet dozens of members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB), to explain their ‘asymmetrical’ battle with Indonesian security forces in the Bintang Mountains.

“Salute to Kirsten Felice and Kristo Langker, two very brave young journalists,” said Yuliana Lantipo from the Pantau Foundation. “Visiting conflict areas in Papua is neither easy nor cheap, plus the security risks are difficult, especially since they are foreign nationals.”

Paradise Broadcasting was founded by Kristo Langker in 2023. He created this media specifically to contain long-form coverage, after he covered the kidnapping of a New Zealand pilot in the Central Mountains. The title is, ‘Hostage Land: Why Papuan Guerrilla Fighters Keep Taking Hostages’.

He explained how indigenous Papuans held pilot Phillip Mark Mehrtens hostage in order to gain attention from outside Indonesia. This also mirrors a similar action in 1996 when guerrillas led by Kelly Kwalik held dozens of foreign biology researchers hostage in Mapenduma.

In 2024, they entered the Bintang Mountains and made the film ‘Frontier War: Inside The West Papua Liberation Army’. In ‘Frontier War’, the two journalists found four types of explosives used by Indonesian authorities when attacking Kiwirok in the Bintang Mountains in September and October 2021, namely a modified Krusik 81mm mortar made in Serbia, a Thales FZ 68 folding finned air rocket made in France, a Pindad 40mm grenade, and a plastic tail fin that has not been identified.

Kirsten Felice and Kristo Langker are in the Bintang Mountains, walking across the border between PNG and Indonesia, choosing not to apply for a journalist visa from Indonesia because of the Indonesian government’s very tough restrictions on foreign journalists entering West Papua since 1967. –Photo: Kirsten Felic

There has been a lot of Indonesian media coverage of Serbian-made mortars used by the State Intelligence Agency (BIN). Even the House of Representatives has questioned the involvement of BIN officers in Kiwirok. The two journalists found not only mortar shells but also Thales rockets.

They also got a video of Indonesian officers using a Chinese-made Ziyan drone, model Blowfish A3. The helicopter used to fire the Thales rockets was an Airbus H125M or H225M. The Indonesian government asked YouTube to block ‘Frontier War’.

In 2024, Langker and Felice deliberately chose to walk, up mountains and down valleys, after taking several flights in Papua New Guinea, walking all day, entering the Bintang Mountains.

“Crossing the PNG-Indonesia border and walking into the Bintang Mountains to cover how Indonesian authorities use rockets and mortars, as well as helicopters and drones, for what they call ‘law enforcement’ is courage in journalism.”

Their coverage was very difficult because the Indonesian state, since 1967, has restricted foreign journalists from entering all areas of West Papua (Tanah Papua). There have been many stories of how foreign journalists have had difficulty getting visas, have been arrested, detained, even those who already have travel documents, have also been arrested, at least followed, when entering West Papua.

On September 13, 2021, an armed group led by Lamek Taplo attacked an Indonesian military and police post in Kiwirok District, Bintang Mountains Regency, near the border with Papua New Guinea. This was the peak of tensions between Lamek Taplo’s group from Kiwirok and the Indonesian side. A day-long gunfight resulted in the death of a Papuan militant and the injury of an Indonesian soldier.

The mob also burned dozens of properties and public facilities in Kiwirok and Okyop, including several houses, several government offices, eight schools, two clinics, a hospital, a bank, and the Kiwirok market. Papuan militants also attacked the Kiwirok hospital, burning the hospital and its dormitory as well as two small clinics. They allegedly beat three female nurses and two male nurses. The body of nurse Gabriella Meilani was found two days later.

The TPNPB said they only attacked security posts and helped “secure nurse Gerald Sokoy,” who fled during the attack and was picked up by local authorities two weeks after the attack and returned home.

The attack prompted the Indonesian side to launch airstrikes, including helicopters and drones, on Kiwirok. On October 10, the Indonesian military deployed Air Force helicopters to drop 14 Serbian-made mortars on Kiwirok, and the Indonesian commander in Papua, Major General Yogo Triyono, acknowledged the bombing but denied that the bombs were directed at civilians.

According to local human rights organizations, about 1,000 families have fled Kiwirok to Oksibil, the district capital. An estimated 180 families have fled across the border into Papua New Guinea. Many lack food, shelter and medical assistance.

On October 25, militants shot dead an Indonesian policeman in a shootout in Kiwirok. Yogo Triyono stressed that the Indonesian government needed to engage in “political dialogue” to resolve security issues in Papua. He said his soldiers were also “tired of the shootouts.”

The two young journalists were born in Sydney. Kristo Langker, 24, is now studying music at the University of Sydney. Kristen Felice, 25, an alumnus of Australia’s Torrens University, works as a video journalist.

Oktovianus Pogau Award

Oktovianus Pogau was a Papuan journalist, born in Sugapa in 1992. Pogau died at the age of 23 on January 31, 2016 in Jayapura. This award is given every year to commemorate Pogau’s courage. Suara Papua was also involved in the creation of the award in 2017, but the assessment and announcement were carried out by the Pantau Foundation.

In October 2011, Pogau reported on violence against hundreds of indigenous Papuans during the Third Papuan Congress in Jayapura. He recorded the sound of gunfire. Three Papuans died and five were imprisoned on treason charges. The anxiety that not many Indonesian media reported on the violations prompted Pogau to establish Suara Papua on December 10, 2011.

Yuliana Lantipo, who works as an editor at Jubi in Jayapura, said, “I first met Octo in Yogya in 2008 when he was invited by a student organization in Yogya as a speaker at a seminar.”

“At that time he was still a high school student, but he had become a speaker everywhere with his articles published in several media. I saw him as a brave young man who was critical of government policies. Kirsten and Kristo’s courage reminded me of Octo,” he said.

The Pogau Award jury consists of Andreas Harsono (Jakarta), Alexander Mering (Pontianak), Coen Husain Pontoh (New York), Made Ali (Pekanbaru), and Yuliana Lantipo (Jayapura). (*)

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KNPB: Papuans have been victims of Indonesian militarism since 1963

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Aryo Wisanggeni

Last updated: January 29, 2025 2:35 pm

Author: Larius Kogoya

Editor: Aryo Wisanggeni G

Jayapura, Jubi – The Papuan people have continued to be victims of militarism practices carried out by the Indonesian government since 1963. This was stated by the First Chairman of the West Papua National Committee, Warius Sampari Wetipo at a national seminar entitled “Realizing the Spirit of People’s Resistance for the Right to Self-Determination for the West Papuan People” which took place in Makassar City, South Sulawesi Province, on Monday (27/1/2025).

Warius Sampari Wetipo said that the KNPB was born because of militarism in the Land of Papua which has never stopped since May 1, 1963. According to him, in practice, military operations in the Land of Papua have never stopped since May 1, 1963, when the West Papuan nation was annexed by Indonesia.

Since then, massive and structured military operations have occurred throughout Papua. Although the Indonesian government has not officially announced the implementation of martial law in Papua, the security forces have continued to carry out various military operations there.

“The state committed crimes through Operation Trikora, Operation Mandala, Operation Wibawa, Operation, Tumpas, Operation Sadar, Operation Ketupat, Operation Senyap, Operation Koteka. Until now we still hear about Operation [Peace] Cartenz, Operation Nemangkawi, Operation Elang, and so on. Papua is a military emergency zone or Military Operation Area,” said Warpo Wetipo when interviewed further via the WhatsApp application service on Tuesday (28/1/2025).

Wetipo stated that since 2018 there have been sweeps of residents’ homes, burning of churches, schools, shootings of civilians by TNI/Polri officers in various regions of Papua. Mass evacuations occurred in Nduga Regency. After that, armed conflict between the TNI/Polri apparatus and the armed group of the West Papua National Liberation Army or TPNPB occurred and spread to various regions in Papua.

“The armed conflict between the TPNPB and the TNI/Polri continues to spread in various regions in our homeland, such as in Intan Jaya Regency, Yahukimo, Pegunungan Bintang, Maybrat, Puncak Jaya, Timika, Paniai, Dogiyai, Lanny Jaya, Puncak Jaya, and most recently in Yalimo and Tambrauw Regencies. The Papuan people are the main victims,” ​​said Wetipo.

The large-scale evacuation caused civilians to lose their homes, lose their relatives. A number of elderly people and babies who died in the middle of the forest died. The refugees also lost their livestock, could not farm, and lost their livelihoods.

The Central Executive Board of BPP KNPB together with the KNPB Makassar Regional Consulate held a national seminar entitled “Realizing the Spirit of People’s Resistance for the Right to Self-Determination for the West Papuan People” in Makassar City, South Sulawesi Province, on Monday. The seminar was attended by students, university students, youth, and KNPB delegates from Manado, Gorontalo, and Tomohon.

The seminar was also attended by representatives of student organizations that are members of the Cipayung Group, human rights and democracy activists, LBH Makassar, FRI-WP, KNPB activists, AMPTPI and AMP.

Activist of the Indonesian People’s Front for the Liberation of West Papua (FRI-WP) Makassar Region, Arul reviewed the history of President Soekarno issuing the Trikora Declaration in the Yogyakarta Square on December 19, 1961, one of the contents of which was the dissolution of the Dutch puppet state of Papua. The decree also ordered a general mobilization led by Soekarno.

“The impact was a massive military invasion in the West Irian region (West Papua). The independence of the West Papuan nation was castrated on December 19, 1961,” he said.

According to Arul, the political economic conspiracy of America, the Netherlands, and Indonesia during the struggle for West Irian has sacrificed the people and nation of West Papua, because the people and nation of West Papua were never involved in the negotiations. “That indicates that the meeting was only carried out by the devil, the devil, and witnessed by ghosts,” said Arul.

Another FRI-WP Makassar activist, Nyora, said that the problem in West Papua, his party saw not only genocide, ecocide and ethnocide. According to him, the main problems faced by the Papuan people are colonialism, racism, and capitalism in the Land of Papua.

“In short, Indonesia practiced colonialism in West Papua. The next, racism is very fertile in Indonesia. The practice of racism has been implemented since the beginning, since the West Papuan Nation was annexed into the Republic of Indonesia,” said Nyora.

Nyora revealed that the Indonesian nation as a new colonial nation feels superior to the Papuan nation. In every decision regarding political, economic, legal, social, and cultural status, the Papuan Indigenous People are never involved as subjects.

“That’s where racism is embedded. Indonesia considers the Papuan nation to be backward, ancient, primitive, stupid, weak, poor. That’s the nature of colonialism,” he said.

The condition of the people in Papua is getting worse, because of the problem of capitalism. Nyora said that Papua is economically controlled by foreign capitalism and Indonesia is only a errand dog. This condition often causes indigenous people to experience agrarian conflicts which become serious problems and give rise to new conflicts.

“Indonesia is only a errand dog for foreign capitalists. Even customary land is capitalized by local capitalists and bourgeoisie,” said Nyora.

Public advocate LBH Makassar, Rasak said that LBH exists to advocate and provide legal protection for victims, especially the weak who need legal assistance. LBH Makassar accompanies victims on various issues, including Papuan activists who express their opinions and protest in the form of demonstrations.

“We were once interrogated by Indonesian security forces, ‘why are you advocating for Papuan issues and so on’. For LBH Makassar, advocating for the weak, the oppressed/colonized is necessary, [they] have their fundamental rights protected,” said Rasak. (*)

Prabowo expands military’s role in test of fragile democracy 

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President Prabowo Subianto taps armed forces for major projects

Ananda Teresia (Reuters) Jakarta Wed, January 29, 2025 

Nearly three decades after the fall of Indonesia’s authoritarian leader Soeharto, the nation’s new president is causing unease among liberals and others by increasingly turning to the once-all-powerful military to carry out his governing vision. 

Critics of President Prabowo Subianto point to the former defense minister’s early actions as a worrying sign of his tendency to replace civilian functions with the military, raising comparisons to a Soeharto-era doctrine called “dwifungsi” (dual function) that allowed the armed forces to crush dissent and dominate public life. 

Just three months into office after sweeping to a landslide election victory last year, Prabowo has quickly expanded the armed forces’ roles in several public areas—including running much of his flagship project to serve free school meals. His allies in parliament are also preparing legislation that would allow Prabowo to appoint active military officers into senior government positions, dismantling some of the safeguards put in place after Soeharto was overthrown in 1998 following an economic crisis and popular uprising. Prabowo’s resounding victory in last year’s election was largely driven by younger voters, polls showed, a generation with little or no memory of Soeharto’s military-backed New Order regime.

Soeharto, who was Prabowo’s former father-in-law, had been a middle-ranking military officer when he took over from Sukarno, the country’s first president and founding father, in 1966.

Soeharto rose to power amid a bloody communist purge that had brought down the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), then Sukarno’s strongest ally, and killed hundreds of thousands of people accused to be communists. Prabowo, a son of renowned economist Soemitro Djojohadikusumo, was a special forces commander under his repressive 32-year reign and was later dismissed from the military amid unproven allegations of human rights abuses. Supporters of Prabowo, who has denied past rights abuses, say tapping the military for important projects offers efficiencies.

But critics see in Prabowo’s moves, including a recent expansion of military command structure, a worrying lurch towards re-militarization in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country. “He’s not abiding by civil supremacy,” said analyst Yanuar Nugroho of Prabowo. “He instead wants to restore the glory of military … where various kinds of civic-works can be done by the military, arguing it will be faster, more effective,” said Yanuar, a former deputy chief of presidential staff to Prabowo’s predecessor, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Read also: Critics slam new proposal to allow soldiers to conduct business Prabowo’s office did not respond to repeated requests for comment on military deployment for government projects.

Although not replicating the “dual function” of the past, Prabowo’s early reliance on the military is raising concerns among Indonesian observers about the undoing of democratic reforms that sprang up after Soeharto was ousted. “There’s a lot of aspects of the Prabowo administration that are seeking to replicate what existed under his former father-in-law Soeharto,” said political analyst and author of the Indonesia-focused newsletter Reformasi Weekly, Kevin O’Rourke. “Restoring military roles in politics is one aspect.” Under Soeharto, there were no checks and balances and the military was also involved in business, O’Rourke said, adding that the same pattern now could erode democratic oversight of government institutions, affecting policymaking.

 Combat-trained cooks and farmers Prabowo, who had a 81 percent approval rating after his first 100 days in office, has wasted little time in handing over large projects to the armed forces since taking office. The most visible example has been his US$28 billion signature project to provide free school meals. Air Force Colonel Satrya Dharma Wijaya is a case in point. His usual job is aircraft maintenance, but since November, he has been busy ordering stoves, refrigerators and frying pans to cook meals for thousands of children at a time at a base in Jakarta. “This was previously a marshalling area where we prepared troops to deploy for an assignment,” said Satrya, wearing his short-sleeved blue uniform at Halim Perdanakusuma air base’s newly expanded kitchen.

The military was running 100 of the 190 kitchens operating by the project’s launch in collaboration with the newly formed National Nutrition Agency, cooking up and delivering food for 570,000 children on its opening day. Army chief General Maruli Simanjuntak said that a plan is under way for the military to form 100 special “territorial development” units assigned to farming, fisheries and animal husbandry. Prabowo has also moved swiftly to vastly expand other military-run projects established when he was defense minister. A program for soldiers to clear land for cultivation has been increased by 50-fold with the aim of boosting Indonesia’s food security from an initial 60,000 hectares to a projected 3 million hectares—an area about the size of Belgium. 

Read also: Retreat for new regional heads raises recentralization concerns 

He has also ordered the expansion of another of his projects, directing the Air Force to convert its idle land into rice and corn fields to be managed by soldiers and villagers to supply food for the free-meals project. In addition, he has declared a nationwide extension of a third small military civil-works initiative—laying water pipes for plumbing and irrigation in remote, poor areas. Army chief Simanjuntak said that turning to soldiers to help run large programs is effective, as the army follows a strong chain of command, adding that rules are in place to prevent military repression. “It’s impossible to return to the New Order (Suharto) era. There’s no way,” Simanjuntak said.

 Soldiers leading ministries? One key area of concern for critics is around upcoming legislation that would allow Prabowo to appoint active duty military officers to top government jobs for first time in decades. The legislation, prepared by Prabowo’s allies, will soon go before parliament where the president’s coalition controls 74 percent of seats. The bill will be deliberated in coming months, several lawmakers told Reuters.

 The president has already tapped former military officers for top roles—such as Foreign Minister Sugiono, who served in the army’s special forces before retiring. Sufmi Dasco Ahmad, deputy speaker of parliament from Prabowo’s Gerindra party, said the president should be free to appoint active officers anywhere in government. “These strategic programmes must be run by people who are disciplined, highly committed and have been trained to be responsible and disciplined,” Sufmi said. ‘Democratic backsliding’ But even some former military men have concerns about Prabowo’s instinct to turn to the armed forces. “Don’t give a blank check where soldiers could be placed at any posts. It will ruin the system,” retired Lt. Gen. Agus Widjojo, one of several generals who led post-Soeharto military reforms, told Reuters. Widjojo said the tendency would have policy implications by weakening civilian institutions. Analyst Yanuar said he fears the trend of militarization under Prabowo will lead to a “democratic backsliding” and centralization of power.

 “A strong president who is backed by a strong military with almost full control in the parliament,” Yanuar said. “This is similar to Soeharto: military with dual function.” ————————————————

Amnesty UNIPA Chapter highlights conditions and handling of refugees in Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang

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January 22, 2025 11:57 am Author: Larius Kogoya

Editor: Zely Ariane

Jayapura, Jubi – Amnesty International Indonesia Chapter Universitas Papua or Amnesty UNIPA urges the Pegunungan Bintang Regency Government, Papua Pegunungan Province, and the TNI Leadership to guarantee the rights of civilian refugees who are threatened in Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency.

Amnesty UNIPA Coordinator, Paskalis Haluk, expressed his concern over the threats to the rights of civilians who fled from Oksop District to Oksibil and its surroundings to protect themselves from military operations. He asked the government to immediately take concrete steps to ensure protection for residents who were forced to flee due to the sweeping of villages and residents’ homes.

According to Haluk, who saw firsthand the refugee camp in Mumbakon Village, Oksibil District, at the end of December 2024, the TNI’s actions have threatened the rights of the people in Oksop District since November until today.

“Kopassus is still occupying residents’ houses and churches, while other residents are still in the forest. Some residents have entered safe villages. I myself went down to see the field directly on December 29, 2024 to bring donations to the refugee community in Mumbakon Village, Oksibil District,” said Paskalis Haluk to Jubi in Jayapura City, Papua on Tuesday (1/21/2025).

The Amnesty UNIPA Coordinator emphasized that the situation faced by the Oksop community is a serious violation of human rights, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution and various national and international legal instruments. Article 28G paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution expressly guarantees the right of every person to a sense of security and protection from the threat of fear.

In addition, Indonesia is also bound by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the 1949 Geneva Convention, which regulates the protection of refugees and civilians in situations of armed conflict, he said.

“The people in Oksop District are threatened with losing access to basic needs such as shelter, food, and health services. This is unacceptable because these rights are part of human rights that must be protected by the state,” said Haluk.

Paskalis Haluk explained the importance of respecting the basic principles of Human Rights in Military Operations (Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials), which were ratified by the UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Criminals. This principle emphasizes that the use of force by officers must be carried out proportionally, non-discriminatory, and respect human dignity.

He asked the Pegunungan Bintang Regency Government and the Papua Pegunungan Provincial Government to ensure that the refugee community receives full protection, including access to basic needs, health services, and children’s education. He also asked the TNI to prioritize dialogue and a humanist approach in resolving the conflict in the Papua region.

“All forms of human rights violations committed by members of the security forces must be investigated independently, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. We ask the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) to continue to monitor the situation on the ground. And respect for human rights is the main foundation in maintaining the integrity of the nation. We cannot build peace on human rights violations. The state has an obligation to ensure justice and security for all its citizens, including the people in Oksop,” he said.

The Director of Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation Ordo Fratrum Minorum (JPIC OFM) Papua, RP Alexandro Rangga OFM said, based on findings in the field at the end of November 2024, residents of five villages in Oksop District reported increased military activity in their area.

“Fear of armed conflict has encouraged people to flee to a safer place, namely Oksibil District,” said Rangga as quoted from a press release to Jubi in Jayapura, Papua, Friday (17/1/2025).

Until now, he continued, it is estimated that around 327 people have fled, with most of the others choosing to hide in the forest. There is detailed data on the number of refugees, including by gender, age, and village of origin.

“However, for the safety of the refugees, we cannot share this data with the public. Based on the testimony of the refugees, the presence of the military in Oksop District has caused fear and insecurity among the community,” he said.

“Some actions taken by the military, such as setting up posts inside churches and using public facilities without permission, have made the situation worse,” he said. (*)

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West Papua atrocities condemned, PM urged to speak-up

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Solomon Islands LEADER of Opposition Matthew has strongly condemned the latest murders in West Papua by the Indonesian military.

Hon Wale’s call comes amidst recent media reports of Indonesian military unit that are roaming Intan Jaya Regency, slaughtering West Papuans at will.

The recent killings have also included minors.

“Solomon Islands as a Melanesian country must continue to stand against the ongoing atrocities in West Papua. We are Melanesians,” Hon Wale said.

In a statement today, Hon Wale said it is heartless to note that the Prime Minister and the GNUT government have opted to remain silent on these ongoing atrocities in West Papua.

The Opposition Leader also called on the rest of the MSG to condemn these recent murders and to demand withdrawal of military from the highlands; and to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua.

“I am calling on the Prime Minister and the rest of MSG to call on the Indonesian government to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua. In fact this is inline with the resolution made by the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) last year,” he said.

Hon Wale said it is time the MSG Leaders rethink their stand on West Papua.

“Diplomacy and geopolitics should never cloud our solidarity with our Melanesian people of West Papua,” Hon Wale said.

The Opposition Leader emphasized the ongoing human rights crisis in West Papua as a pressing regional issue that still remains unresolved.

He said the Prime Minister has visited Jakarta last year but sadly there was no discussion with Indonesia about the systemic repression of West Papuan lives and voices.

Hon Wale said the lack of dialogue on ongoing human rights violations with Indonesia would suggest that GNUT’s priorities are negotiable, or even expendable, for financial gain.

– Opposition Press

Categories: News, News – National By Moffat Mamu January 22, 2025

In remote forests of Indonesian Papua, clan’s pig ceremony protests land grabs

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Ancient “pig feast” asserts indigenous Melanesians’ ancestral land rights in face of government-backed agricultural programs.

Victor Mambor

 2025.01.22

 Kurinbin, Papua, Indonesia

On a hilltop accessible only by hours traversing dense jungle on foot, the influential Kimko Jinipjo clan in Indonesia’s Papua region gathered for a rare ceremony called “Awon Atatbon” earlier this month.

For these indigenous people in Ha Anim territory – the local name for South Papua Province – this “pig feast” ritual is more than a celebration of cultural identity. 

It is also an assertion of their ancestral land rights and a form of resistance against government-backed agricultural projects, resource exploitation and the mounting threats of deforestation.

“At its heart, Awon Atatbon is a cultural revival aimed at safeguarding ancestral lands through traditional practices, including songs, dances, rituals, and ceremonial performances,” Vincent Korowa, a young member of the clan, told BenarNews. 

The hilltop village of Kurinbin is situated in Waropko, a district of Boven Digoel regency. Up to 2.7 million hectares (6.67 million acres) of forest and peatland in Boven Digoel, Mappi and Merauke regencies are slated to be cleared for a controversial food estate project, according to government data.

A land of stunning biodiversity and immense natural wealth, Papua is also home to one of the world’s longest-running separatist conflictsbetween Indonesia and armed Papuan groups who want their own state. 

International and Indonesian human rights groups say indigenous Papuans, a Melanesian people whose identity is closely tied to the land, face entrenched racism in Indonesia, economic marginalization and violence by security forces including extrajudicial killings.

In recent years, the Indonesian government has pushed controversial development initiatives, including the food estate program, which aims to convert vast tracts of forest, wetland and savannah into rice farms, sugarcane plantations and related infrastructure to bolster the country’s food security. 

Critics of the food estate say these projects overlook indigenous land rights, accelerate deforestation, and threaten the way of life of Papua’s native communities.

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Food estate programs in other parts of the country have been unable to meet production targets. In Central Kalimantan, rice, the primary crop, has failed to achieve expected outputs. 

“We know that our ancestral land is constantly under threat. In the past, it was other tribes. Now, it’s people who want to establish large plantations,” Wilem Wungim Kimko, the host of this year’s pig feast, told BenarNews. 

“When our land is taken, our ancestors’ spirits are disturbed, and we all suffer,” said Wilem, who as host is known as the “Big Man.” 

The Awon Atatbon is held every seven to 12 years or when a Kimko Jinipjo clan leader is ready to host the elaborate event. 

After three years of preparation, the clan this year welcomed hundreds of participants from other areas and clans to their ancestral hilltop village.

At the heart of the ceremony were the pigs, which were hunted by specially selected archers.

The “Big Man” then offered the captured animals to attendees at fixed prices, ranging from U.S. $320 to $640.

Once purchased, the pigs were cooked communally, using a traditional method of stone baking, alongside sago and vegetables.

This practice ensures that wealth circulates within the community, strengthening social and economic bonds.

“The feast is also a trading activity between the host and other members of the indigenous community,” Ponsianus Tarayok Kimko, the eldest living member of the Kimko Jinipjo clan and the leader of this year’s event, told BenarNews.

A ritual called “Oktang,” which is also part of the ceremony involved testing the resilience of the Big Man’s stilt house by dancing on its roof through the night. 

Inside the one-meter-high traditional structure, 26 participants performed a ceremonial dance that embodied both spiritual devotion and a reaffirmation of cultural unity.

The guests invited to Awon Atatbon traveled from various parts of the Ha Anim territory, with some journeying from nearby Papua New Guinea. 

They walked for up to two days across steep terrain, as they crossed rivers and scaled ridges to attend the ceremony.

“I traveled with my family from Kiunga in Papua New Guinea,” Magdalena, one of the attendees, told BenarNews. 

“It took us nearly two days on foot. We spent one night sleeping in the forest. We came because we were invited – and because we are family to the host.”

Rituals, dances, and songs reinforced community bonds and territorial claims. 

During the event, the boundaries of clan land were reaffirmed through natural landmarks like rivers and soil lines, and prayers were offered to ancestors for protection and future prosperity.

Anthropologist Cypri Jehan Paju Dale, who studies Papua indigenous politics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, sees ceremonies like Awon Atatbon as part of a broader movement to defend land and identity.

“Local communities in West Papua are working tirelessly to protect their identity, land, and forests,” Dale told BenarNews, referring to the Papua region of Indonesia.

“They do this not only by engaging with advocacy groups but also by revitalizing their own cultural traditions and articulating them in new ways.” 

While the pig feast is one such example, another is the Red Cross Movement. As part of the latter, indigenous Christian communities plant thousands of red-painted crosses to block the expansion of large-scale plantations and mining projects.

Since its inception in 2014, the Red Cross Movement has planted more than 1,400 crosses across southern Papua. 

While the movement adopts Christian symbolism, it draws deeply from indigenous values, sending a message that the land and forests are not vacant but living spaces that must be preserved.

As the Indonesian government continues to push its development agenda, the Kimko Jinipjo and other clans in Papua face growing uncertainty. 

This year’s Big Man, Wilem, like many in his community, lacks formal identification or citizenship documents. Though unaware of the specifics of the government’s plans, he is keenly aware of the risks posed by food estate developments. 

For his clan, the forest provides not just sustenance but cultural identity and spiritual guidance.

“Our ancestors communicate with us through signs in nature,” Wilem said. 

“When the animals in the forest begin to disappear, it’s nature’s way of telling us that the land they inhabit is under threat.”

Police hunt for shooter in double killing in Papua Highlands 

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  News Desk (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Mon, January 13, 2025 

A former police officer is believed to be the perpetrator, acting on orders from a rogue faction of Papuan separatists.

Police are intensifying security patrols in Yalimo regency, Papua Highlands, following the shooting of two civilians last week, as they seek to stabilize the situation and capture the shooter. “We are […] on the hunt for Aske Mabel, who is suspected to be the shooter,” said Brig. Gen. Faizal Ramadhani, the chief of the police’s Operation Cartenz Peace, in a written statement on Sunday, as reported by tempo.co. 

“The patrol at the borders of Yalimo regency is also being tightened by checking vehicles entering and exiting [the regency] to prevent other potential threats.” The patrols are focusing on the regency’s Hobkama village in Elelim district, where the shooting took place. The two victims, a 36-year-old and a 33-year-old, were woodworkers from East Luwu, South Sulawesi. They were attacked while cutting logs in the village on Jan. 8.

Witnesses said that in addition to being shot, the two victims had also been slashed by sharp weapons. They died of their wounds. Suspect Aske Mabel is a former police officer, ranked second brigadier, who defected from the police and joined a faction of the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) led by Jeffrey Pagawak Boamanak. However, TPNPB-OPM spokesman Sebby Sambom claimed Aske was not part of the OPM. The movement does not consider Jeffrey a member, after he allegedly embezzled Rp 1.9 billion (US$116,643), claiming that the money would be used to purchase weapons. The weapons, the OPM says, never materialized.

Sebby said Jeffrey and Aske had murdered several people in Papua claiming it was for the movement. The latest murder was the sixth incident. “It was the sixth incident in the Yalimo regency area, all were carried out by Aske Mabel on orders from Jeffrey,” Sebby said.

Facing palm oil nonsense

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There are still many sustainable ways in store to enhance palm oil output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than opening new plantations by clearing forests. 

editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Wed, January 15, 2025

P resident Prabowo Subianto might not have thought his remarks would spark a controversy when he recently suggested that Indonesia expand oil palm plantations without worrying about deforestation. 

His statement sent the wrong signal about his administration’s stance on the sustainability of the commodity. Worse, his words undermine years of progress in curbing deforestation from the palm oil industry, which is partly thanks to moratoriums on the issuance of new permits and licenses for oil palm plantations decades ago. 

The statement could be dangerous if industries interpret it as the time to ditch sustainable practices or if foreign buyers lose faith in Indonesian palm oil products and switch to other substitutes or other producing countries with better sustainability standards. It is easy to take pride in palm oil, with the commodity and its products Indonesia’s top exports and now perhaps poised to play a pivotal role in the President’s energy security dream through the biodiesel programs. Despite the ambition, efforts to boost palm oil production should not sacrifice the environment. 

There are still many sustainable ways to enhance output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than by clearing forests to open new plantations.

The government through the Oil Palm Plantation Fund Management Agency (BPDPKS) channeled over Rp 179 trillion (US$10.36 billion) in subsidies to the biodiesel program from 2015 to 2023, according to research by Auriga Nusantara.


Meanwhile, the agency only disbursed Rp 8.5 trillion for replanting efforts within the same period, according to BPDPKS data from November 2023. Others measures to boost production can also include better seeds and fertilizers, which universities and research institutions in Indonesia have knowledge about and can produce. 

Losing forests will not only deprive Indonesia of its invaluable biodiversity but will also make it harder for the country to meet its net-zero emissions targets, especially after the Prabowo administration plans to accelerate the process to achieve the goal by 2050.

And oil palms, although they do have leaves, are not the same as complex forest ecosystems. Experts have suggested that oil palm plantations can not only reduce the ability to capture carbon but also suck up nutrients that will make it difficult to restore natural forests. 

During the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in November last year, Prabowo may have thought the country could be self-sufficient in green energy by relying on its natural resources, including forms of bioenergy like palm-oil based biodiesel. However, Prabowo must also remember if the source of the biodiesel leads to deforestation, then there is nothing green in the biodiesel just as there is nothing green about electric vehicles if the power is still sourced from coal-fired power plants. Furthermore, President Prabowo will need to evaluate millions of hectares of oil palm plantations in the country, following findings last year that over 3.3 million of them were illegal. 

The Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) has pointed out a lack of compliance that led to Rp 300 trillion in potential lost revenue. A blind expansion drive would only lead to more illegal plantations and more revenue losses for the government, especially if it continues neglecting its homework of improving compliance in the palm oil industry. Plans to boost palm oil production should come with adequate measures to maintain adequate farmgate prices and an increase in supply should not mean that smallholders earn less. 

The government also needs to step up efforts to assert the country’s control over palm oil prices, which are currently still tied to Malaysia’s commodity exchange and will likely remain that way in the years to come even though Indonesia has already established its own exchange for the commodity. It would be ironic if Indonesia, with all its palm oil glory, must settle for following standards that others have set despite the country’s pride as the world’s leading palm oil producer.
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“West Papua Is Not an Empty Land”: The Story of a Young Indigenous Activist Defending Her People and Their Forests 

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Author: Júlia Fortuny

“West Papua Is Not an Empty Land”

This article is based on insights shared by Dorthea Wabiser, a young Indigenous researcher at Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat (PUSAKA), who I had the privilege of speaking with about her work defending the rights of Indigenous communities in West Papua and the environmental challenges they face. Throughout the article, you’ll find Dorthea’s personal experiences and perspectives as she leads the fight for her people’s ancestral lands.

West Papua, a region of immense cultural diversity and breathtaking natural beauty, is also home to deep-rooted challenges: ongoing human rights violations, environmental degradation, and a long legacy of colonial and governmental oppression. Few people illustrate this tension more poignantly than Ms. Dorthea Wabiser, a young Indigenous researcher at Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat—an Indonesian civil society organisation committed to defending Indigenous peoples’ rights and the environment.

Today, as the Indonesian government proposes opening more than two million hectares for the Merauke Food and Energy Development project, the urgency of Dorthea’s work—and that of her organisation—has never been clearer.

A Childhood Shaped by Activism

Born and raised in Jayapura, West Papua, Dorthea’s parents were both activists deeply involved in fighting against human rights violations in different regions of Indonesia. Her father, originally from Byak Island and now based in Timika, has long advocated for communities impacted by the waste of Freeport mining operations in the region where he now lives. Her mother, hailing from the Yali tribe of the Papuan Highlands, has fought passionately for women’s rights and against human rights violations derived from the Independence movement. Growing up surrounded by stories of injustice and witnessing them firsthand set Dorthea on a path of activism early on.

“Living under oppression in West Papua, you feel how they try to shut your voices when you want to say something, you see every day the human rights violations, you experience the racism, the discrimination” she recalls, pointing out that this discrimination was also present when she moved from Jayapura to Bandung, in Java, for school, where she also felt the prejudice as a West Papuan.

Growing up in an activist family inspired Dorthea to follow a similar path, leading her to study International Relations and write her thesis on conflict resolution in West Papua. But her passion for activism and human rights advocacy began even earlier. During her school years, Dorthea created YouTube videos analysing current events and highlighting social injustices in West Papua. One of these videos eventually connected her with Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, the civil society organisation where she now works.

 PUSAKA’s mission to protect Indigenous peoples’ rights and the environment resonated with Dorthea’s core values. After briefly considering a job offer from a large gas company, she realised it conflicted with her principles. “It’s against my morals,” she explains. Seeking a path that resonated with her beliefs, she was drawn to PUSAKA, as its values reflected not only her own but also the lessons she observed through her parents’ work. Joining the organisation felt like a meaningful step toward fulfilling her purpose.

Protecting Indigenous Rights and Cultures in Southern West Papua

Currently based in Jakarta, where PUSAKA’s head office is located, Dorthea works as a researcher, documenting Indigenous peoples’ knowledge and the communities’ resilience confronting the climate crisis in West Papua. She specifically focuses on protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples in the southern part of the region, covering Merauke, Boven Digoel, and Mappi, where large-scale deforestation poses a serious threat. An example of this is a new 2-million-hectare food and energy project in an area of 4-million-hectare, recently declared a National Strategic Project (PSN). Backed by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture, this initiative involves extensive land clearing for rice fields, sugarcane and bioethanol plantation, activities that violate ancestral territories.

 PUSAKA’s broader work involves research, advocacy, and capacity building to help local communities understand their legal rights and create security awareness, document environmental damage, and secure formal recognition of customary lands. Dorthea also supports communities’ efforts to“reconnect with nature”, challenging what she describes as the ways capitalism has weakened the relationship between Papuans and their environment.

Dorthea’s connection to the communities she works with is rooted in a deep emotional attachment to the land and its people. Raised in an Indigenous family, she was taught the value of knowledge transfer by her parents and grandparents. Emphasising the importance of preserving traditional knowledge, she recalls family gatherings at her grandparents’ home: “Every time we gather together in their home, my grandfather always tells stories about our culture”.

When she first entered the southern regions of West Papua for her work, she felt an immediate bond with the local people. “I always felt safe and happy there; it was like healing,” she reflects. Through her research, Dorthea has become part of the communities she helps, learning their languages and cultures as she documents their traditional knowledge. Her relationship with the people is one of mutual trust and respect. “When I enter a new community, I know these are my people,” she says. “Even though we come from different backgrounds, they take care of me, and I feel safe.“

Challenging the “Empty Land” Narrative: Affirming the Rights and Presence of Indigenous Communities in West Papua

One of the core challenges Dorthea and PUSAKA confront is the government’s narrative that frames Papua as an “empty land”, void of people or culture. This false narrative aims to justify large-scale exploitation of the region’s resources, ignoring the thriving Indigenous communities who have lived on the land for centuries. In response, Papuan civil society organisations and grassroots communities launched the campaign “West Papua Is Not an Empty Land,” with support from organisations like PUSAKA. The campaign aims to highlight the presence of thriving Indigenous communities with distinct cultures, languages, and ancestral ties to these forests. For this, Dorthea has engaged in research in the affected villages to document and showcase the richness of the land. This includes crafting an inventory of local animals and plants meticulously recorded in the tribe’s original languages, as well as in Indonesian and Latin. Through this work, she highlights the vibrant life, human culture and history that the government’s “empty land” narrative tries to erase.