Melanesian leaders want meeting with Indonesian president on West Papua ‘as soon as practicable’

Lydia Lewis, in Nuku’alofa, Tonga lydia.lewis@rnz.co.nz 

The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) wants to have a meeting with Indonesia’s incoming President Prabowo Subianto to address ongoing human rights concerns in West Papua.

It comes after Fiji and Papua New Guinea’s prime ministers – Sitiveni Rabuka and James Marape – failed to organise a visit after being appointed special envoys on West Papua, at last year’s Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) leaders meeting.

Marape told RNZ Pacific: “We could not find a time where both of us got to Indonesia.”

The MSG met on the sidelines of the 53rd Pacific Islands Leaders’ Summit in Nuku’alofa on Tuesday.

Vanuatu’s Prime Minister and the sub-regional bloc’s chair, Charlot Salwai, said there has been concerns surrounding West Papua for some time.

“Some issues in relations to human rights…because the [Pacific Islands] Forum back in 2019 decided to ask [for a] UN mission to do fact-finding mission in Indonesia.”

The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) president, Benny Wenda, said: “It is time for PIF to reaffirm their 2019 call for a UN High Commissioner for Human Rights visit to West Papua.

“It has now been five years since PIF’s initial demand for a UN visit was made, and over 110 countries have echoed this Pacific call,” he posted on X.

Salwai said it would be good to have a face-to-face meeting with Subianto.

The MSG leaders released a statement on Tuesday, stating: “The welfare of the interests of our Melanesians in West Papua and the other Papuan Provinces in Indonesia is an ongoing concern to our peoples.”

“In this regard, the MSG Leaders Dialogue with the President of Indonesia is a project of great importance that must be pursued.

“The [MSG] Secretariat must maintain contact with the relevant Indonesian authorities to ensure that opportunities are identified for all MSG Leaders to meet with the Indonesian President as soon as practicable.”

The group will have a Special Leaders’ Summit on 14 and 15 November in Fiji.

From Papua to Gaza, military occupation leads to ‘ecocide’ – climate catastrophe 

By APR editor –  August 14, 2024 0 7 

Environmental destruction is not an unintended side effect, but a primary objective in colonial wars of occupation.

By David Whyte and Samira Homerang Saunders

Many in the international community are finally coming to accept that the earth’s ecosystem can no longer bear the weight of military occupation.

Most have reached this inevitable conclusion, clearly articulated in the environmental movement’s latest slogan “No Climate Justice on Occupied Land”, in light of the horrors we have witnessed in Gaza since October 7.

While the correlation between military occupation and climate sustainability may be a recent discovery for those living their lives in relative peace and security, people living under occupation, and thus constant threat of military violence, have always known any guided missile strike or aerial bombardment campaign by an occupying military is not only an attack on those being targeted but also their land’s ability to sustain life.

A recent hearing on “State and Environmental Violence in West Papua” under the jurisdiction of the Rome-based Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT), for example, heard that Indonesia’s military occupation, spanning more than seven decades, has facilitated a “slow genocide” of the Papuan people through not only political repression and violence, but also the gradual decimation of the forest area — one of the largest and most biodiverse on the planet — that sustains them.

West Papua hosts one of the largest copper and gold mines in the world, is the site of a major BP liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility, and is the fastest-expanding area of palm oil and biofuel plantation in Indonesia.

All of these industries leave ecological dead zones in their wake, and every single one of them is secured by military occupation.

At the PPT hearing, prominent Papuan lawyer Yan Christian Warinussy spoke of the connection between human suffering in West Papua and the exploitation of the region’s natural resources.

Shot and wounded
Just one week later, he was shot and wounded by an unknown assailant. The PPT Secretariat noted that the attack came after the lawyer depicted “the past and current violence committed against the defenceless civil population and the environment in the region”.

What happened to Warinussy reinforced yet again the indivisibility of military occupation and environmental violence.

In total, militaries around the world account for almost 5.5 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions annually — more than the aviation and shipping industries combined.

Our colleagues at Queen Mary University of London recently concluded that emissions from the first 120 days of this latest round of slaughter in Gaza alone were greater than the annual emissions of 26 individual countries; emissions from rebuilding Gaza will be higher than the annual emissions of more than 135 countries, equating them to those of Sweden and Portugal.

But even these shocking statistics fail to shed sufficient light on the deep connection between military violence and environmental violence. War and occupation’s impact on the climate is not merely a side effect or unfortunate consequence.

We must not reduce our analysis of what is going on in Gaza, for example, to a dualism of consequences: the killing of people on one side and the effect on “the environment” on the other.

Inseparable from impact on nature
In reality, the impact on the people is inseparable from the impact on nature. The genocide in Gaza is also an ecocide — as is almost always the case with military campaigns.

In the Vietnam War, the use of toxic chemicals, including Agent Orange, was part of a deliberate strategy to eliminate any capacity for agricultural production, and thus force the people off their land and into “strategic hamlets”.

Forests, used by the Vietcong as cover, were also cut by the US military to reduce the population’s capacity for resistance. The anti-war activist and international lawyer Richard Falk coined the phrase “ecocide” to describe this.

In different ways, this is what all military operations do: they tactically reduce or completely eliminate the capacity of the “enemy” population to live sustainably and to retain autonomy over its own water and food supplies.

Since 2014, the bulldozing of Palestinian homes and other essential infrastructure by the Israeli occupation forces has been complemented by chemical warfare, with herbicides aerially sprayed by the Israeli military destroying entire swaths of arable land in Gaza.

In other words, Gaza has been subjected to an “ecocide” strategy almost identical to the one used in Vietnam since long before October 7.

The occupying military force has been working to reduce, and eventually completely eliminate, the Palestinian population’s capacity to live sustainably in Gaza for many years. Since October 7, it has been waging a war to make Gaza completely unliveable.

50% of Gaza farms wiped out
As researchers at Forensic Architecture have concluded, at least 50 percent of farmland and orchards in Gaza are now completely wiped out. Many ancient olive groves have also been destroyed. Fields of crops have been uprooted using tanks, tractors and other vehicles.

Widespread aerial bombardment reduced the Gaza Strip’s greenhouse production facilities to rubble. All this was done not by mistake, but in a deliberate effort to leave the land unable to sustain life.

The wholesale destruction of the water supply and sanitation facilities and the ongoing threat of starvation across the Gaza Strip are also not unwanted consequences, but deliberate tactics of war. The Israeli military has weaponised food and water access in its unrelenting assault on the population of Gaza.

Of course, none of this is new to Palestinians there, or indeed in the West Bank. Israel has been using these same tactics to sustain its occupation, pressure Palestinians into leaving their lands, and expand its illegal settlement enterprise for many years.

Since October 7, it has merely intensified its efforts. It is now working with unprecedented urgency to eradicate the little capacity the occupied Palestinian territory has left in it to sustain Palestinian life.

Just as is the case with the occupation of Papua, environmental destruction is not an unintended side effect but a primary objective of the Israeli occupation of Palestine. The immediate damage military occupation inflicts on the affected population is never separate from the long-term damage it inflicts on the planet.

For this reason, it would be a mistake to try and separate the genocide from the ecocide in Gaza, or anywhere else for that matter.

Anyone interested in putting an end to human suffering now, and preventing climate catastrophe in the future, should oppose all wars of occupation, and all forms of militarism that help fuel them.

David Whyte is professor of climate justice at Queen Mary University of London and director of the Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice. Samira Homerang Saunders is research officer at the Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice, Queen Mary University.

Not the military’s business 

We must decline the TNI’s request to reenter the world of commerce, lest we allow thuggery to run rampant in the commercial sphere and the fear of military intervention to dictate Indonesia’s development path. 

Editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Mon, July 22, 2024


Make no mistake, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s move to green-light a plan to revise the 2004 Indonesian Military (TNI) Law at the last opportunity before the transition of power is controversial in several ways. Civil society groups have flagged, for instance, a provision that would allow active TNI personnel to hold any position in government. 

At the moment, the military brass is limited to serving in civilian positions at just 10 different state agencies and cabinet ministries. Critics have also highlighted the proposed expansion of the TNI’s non-war operations, which include aiding the government in mitigating cyberattacks and stamping out illicit drug circulation, potentially entrenching a military presence in civilian life. 

That these and other proposed changes have occupied recent public discourse on lawmaking – including a proposal that would allow the TNI commander to serve indefinitely by presidential decree – is a testament to the influence that the military wields a quarter of a century after Reformasi. And yet the most insidious proposal comes in the form of a seemingly innocent request to do away with a ban on TNI personnel from participating in commercial activities, as stipulated in Article 39 of the TNI Law.

At a recent discussion to test public opinion of the planned revisions, a TNI legal specialist suggested lifting the business ban on the argument that active soldiers should not have to face criminal charges for taking on part-time commercial activities, such as helping out with a spouse’s small business or becoming a part-time online taxi driver.


At first glance, the request seemed to take advantage of a recent controversial state decision to allow religious organizations to manage mining concessions. Perhaps the military also just wants to have its slice of the pie. But in this case, allowing the TNI to go back into business would undo 20 years’ worth of reforms that envisioned a professional, accountable and steadfast military force. Scholars seem to largely agree that military involvement in business is unprofessional and could threaten human security.

One of the hallmarks of the 2004 law was the requirement that the TNI relinquish all military businesses to the state by 2009. Yet despite concerted efforts to investigate such entities and a presidential decree designed to speed things up, a 2010 Human Rights Watch report found no actual progress. In 2019, an academic study not only offered proof that the Indonesian Army still operates its cooperatives businesses for profit with little regard for the steady rise of the state defense budget, researchers concluded that successive administrations had deemed it necessary to allow the military to secure its vested interests to maintain stability. 

Our politicians, the study finds, have entered into a transactional dialogue with the military, leaving a cultural legacy of entrepreneurship among military leaders that has contributed to the formation of new elites and oligarchs. For one, president-elect Prabowo Subianto Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, 72, is a retired Army lieutenant general, a businessman and the incumbent Defense Minister (2019-present). Due to his proximity to power throughout his military career, he entered politics in 2004 to pursue his dream of becoming the nation’s president. is a product of this generation of new military wealth. 

Before him, there was president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Behind Jokowi stands Luhut Pandjaitan, who played the role of military man, business associate, diplomat and politician. However, the greater moral hazard lies in allowing the military’s shadier side to fester unchecked, whether as security for hire, influence peddlers through regional command structures or benefactors of illegal trade.

Recent years have borne witness to the drawbacks of khaki capital. Revelations of illicit online gambling rings run by “renegades” and a graft case involving TNI-run pension fund Asabri are enough indication of what could go wrong if the military runs for-profit businesses. We must decline the TNI’s request, lest we allow thuggery to run rampant in the commercial sphere and the fear of military intervention to dictate Indonesia’s development path. 

A decade of true civilian rule under Jokowi is too brief a period of control in the military-civilian struggle. With a retired army general poised to once again take the reins of the country, we will need to keep our guard up to avoid making any further unnecessary concessions.

Indonesian police confirm arson in journalist’s death, say they’ve arrested 2 suspects

Media groups allege that fire occurred following a report on gambling operation involving military member.

Arie Firdaus
2024.07.08
Jakarta

Indonesian police confirm arson in journalist’s death, say they’ve arrested 2 suspectsA temporary fence blocks a woman from seeing the site of a June 27 apparent arson fire that killed journalist Rico Sempurna Pasaribu and three family members in Kabanjahe, North Sumatra, Indonesia, July 4, 2024.

Risky Cahyadi/AFP

Police in Indonesia’s North Sumatra province confirmed Monday that arson was behind a fire that killed a journalist and three family members at his home, and said two men suspected of setting the blaze were in custody. 

The June 27 attack has raised concerns about press freedom in Indonesia amid speculation that the death of Tribrata TV journalist Rico Sempurna Pasaribu, 48, was linked to his reporting on a gambling operation allegedly involving military personnel. Rico, along with his wife, a child and a grandchild died in the fire.

Gen. Agung Setya Imam Effendi, the North Sumatra police chief, identified the suspects only by their initials, RAS and YST. He said RAS was arrested Saturday and had admitted to setting the fire, while YST was apprehended early Sunday.

“They acted as the executors. They sprayed and poured fuel on the front and side walls of the victim’s house,” Agung said during a news conference where he was joined by Maj. Gen. Mohammad Hasan, the regional military commander.

“We must rely on evidence. Whether they were paid and so forth is still under investigation,” Agung said when asked about a potential motive.

“Today we arrested the executors and we are working on identifying individuals connected to them. We have identified those who have interacted with these perpetrators,” he said.

Senior Commissioner Hadi Wahyudi, a North Sumatra police spokesman, said 28 witnesses had been questioned and surveillance footage from around the scene had been analyzed. 

“We will not stop at these two executors. We will expand our investigation,” Hadi said in a written statement to BenarNews on Monday.

The investigation revealed that the two suspects were seen riding a motorcycle toward the victim’s residence and leaving shortly after the fire started, he said.

“The suspects’ motorcycle matches the characteristics analyzed from the CCTV footage,” Hadi said.

08-ID-reporter-inside-facebook.jpg
Journalist Rico Sempurna Pasaribu, seen here in an undated image from his Facebook page, was killed in what police have determined was an arson fire at his home on June 27, 2024. [Sempurna Pasaribu Facebook]

Agung said the suspects were to be charged with “intentionally causing a fire, explosion, or flood, and as a further consequence, causing general danger to the property or lives of others,” and could face life in prison if convicted. 

He did not say when the charges would be filed. The pair can be detained by investigators for 40 days before being turned over to the prosecutor who has 30 days before taking the case before the court.

Gambling reporting

Suspicions of alleged army involvement were revealed by a fact-finding team from the North Sumatra Journalists’ Safety Committee (KKJ) in Medan. 

KKJ revealed that Rico had reported on gambling activities in Padang Mas, a village in Kabanjahe district, Karo regency, and had named a TNI member allegedly involved. Rico also posted the report on his Facebook page.

After the news was published, a soldier contacted Rico’s superior, requesting the report be taken down, but the request was denied, according to KKJ. The group said Rico had confided in colleagues that he felt uneasy after the report was published.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) researcher Andreas Harsono said the suspected killing of Rico was unprecedented in Indonesia.

“Many journalists have been killed alone. This is the first suspected murder in Indonesian history where a journalist was killed along with his family,” Andreas told BenarNews.

Military support

Mohammad Hasan, the regional military commander, told reporters that troops would back the police investigation.

“We are giving full support. The TNI, specifically Kodam I Bukit Barisan, has been frequently mentioned in the news,” Hasan said, using an acronym for the Indonesian Armed Forces.

The arson attack on the journalist’s residence is the second such incident in North Sumatra in 2024. On March 21, the home of Junaidi Marpaung, a journalist for the online media outlet Utama News, was set on fire by unknown individuals.

Junaidi, who is also a member of the Indonesian Journalists Association (PWI) in Rantau Prapat, Labuhan Batu regency, was reporting on drug trafficking in his area and had received several threats via social media. Junaidi and his family were able to escape the fire.

In 2023, the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) recorded 89 cases of attacks on journalists and media outlets across Indonesia, the highest number in the past decade.

The highest instances of violence occurred against journalists and media covering three key issues: accountability and corruption (33 cases), social issues and crime (25 cases), and environmental and agrarian conflicts (14 cases), according to the report.

It also indicated that the majority of perpetrators were state actors, accounting for 36 cases, followed by non-state actors with 29 cases, and unidentified actors in 24 cases.

HRW’s Andreas noted that violence against journalists tends to occur outside major cities, where oversight from press organizations or civil society groups is less prevalent.

“Journalists in rural areas are more vulnerable. In Jakarta, there are many watchdogs,” Andreas said.

He urged journalists outside big cities to regularly build networks to become more cohesive and protective of one another.

“Journalists need to organize. The more oversight, the lower the potential for violence and attacks,” he said.

Flight services in Mulia suspended in wake of unrest: police  

Several police and military vehicles were torched by rioters in Mulia, Puncak Jaya district, Central Papua, on Wednesday (July 17, 2024). (ANTARA/HO/Dokumentasi)
 

Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) – The deadly violence that broke out in Mulia, the capital of Puncak Jaya district, Central Papua, on Wednesday forced the temporary suspension of civilian flights to and from the town, a local police officer said.

The flight services will remain suspended until further notice, the chief of Puncak Jaya Police, Adjunct Sen Coms Kuswara, told ANTARA during a telephonic conversation from Jayapura, the capital of Papua province, on Thursday.

Currently, the overall situation in Mulia is relatively conducive, but police personnel are continuing to exercise vigilance as many residents are still afraid of resuming outdoor and economic activities, he informed.

“We hope that the security situation will fully be conducive soon so that the flight service can be resumed, and locals’ activities can get back to normal,” he said.

To help restore law and order, the Papua police deployed joint personnel from the Mobile Brigade (Brimob) unit and Operation Peace Cartenz Task Force to Mulia.

They arrived on Thursday and joined their counterparts from the Puncak Jaya police station to commence efforts to restore law and order in the town.

The unrest on Wednesday broke out following the deaths of three insurgents belonging to the Teranus Enumbi-led armed group operating in Karubate village, Muara sub-district, Puncak Jaya district, on Tuesday (July 16, 2024).

The rebels, identified as SW (33), YW (41), and DW (36), died in a gunfight with the RK 753/AVR Infantry Battalion Task Force personnel, according to the XVII Cenderawasih Regional Military Command.

The ensuing violence left one resident dead and four others injured, according to Kuswara.

Abdulah Jaelani (30) died after sustaining injuries from a sharp weapon, he said adding that the injured were identified as Novald Dermawan, Arief, Safrudin, and Bude Nina.

They sustained injuries after rioters resorted to stone pelting and launched attacks with arrows and sharp weapons. The rioters also torched several vehicles parked near Mulia Public Hospital.

Over the past few years, armed groups have often employed hit-and-run tactics against Indonesian security personnel and mounted acts of terror against civilians in the districts of Intan Jaya, Nduga, and Puncak to incite fear among the people.

The targets of such acts of terror have included construction workers, motorcycle taxi (ojek) drivers, teachers, students, street food vendors, and even, civilian aircraft.

Indonesia-Pacific Parliamentary Forum Discusses Climate Change, Papua: House Speaker  

Translator Najla Nur Fauziyah 

Editor Laila Afifa 

26 July 2024 09:10 WIB

TEMPO.COJakarta – Indonesian House of Representatives Speaker Puan Maharani closed the Indonesia-Pacific Parliamentary Partnership (IPPP) forum on Thursday, July 25, 2024. According to Puan, the forum discussed various issues from climate change to Papua.

Puan said that IPPP is a forum initiated by the Indonesian House of Representatives. “The Indonesian House of Representatives initiated this meeting because it considered that cooperation with Pacific countries would be geopolitically essential,” said Puan on Thursday.

Puan said several countries in the Pacific region attended the meeting, including Cook Islands, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Papua New Guinea, Tuvalu, Kiribati, the Republic of Fiji, and Indonesia. In addition, the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) organization was also present.

Regarding climate issues, Puan said the IPPP forum resulted in a joint commitment to work together to tackle the impacts of climate change.  

Meanwhile, the issue of Papua was discussed in the MSG-Indonesia meeting held on the sidelines of the IPPP. The meeting was attended by delegates from Fiji, Solomon, Papua New Guinea, and MSG representatives. 

“We relayed the information about our brothers and sisters in Papua, about how there are four provinces in Papua now, and about what Indonesia has done in regards to Papua,” said Puan.  

The IPPP Forum also discussed marine potential in the Pacific region, specifically on economic development which resulted in the agreement to advance multilateral agreements between Pacific countries.

Puan said that the IPPP Forum also produced several recommendations. “Among them is the mutual respect related to the principle of equal respect for sovereignty and territorial unity and how we maintain peace among the Pacific region,” she said.

In addition, Puan said that the Indonesian House of Representatives has committed to helping Pacific countries, especially in carrying out parliamentary functions and producing synergy between parliament and government.

Previously, the IPPP Forum was opened by President Joko Widodo or Jokowi on Thursday morning, July 25, 2024. Jokowi appreciated the partnership between the Indonesian House of Representatives and the parliaments of Pacific countries as a strategic initiative to strengthen partnerships in the Pacific region.

SULTAN ABDURRAHMAN

-ABC Pacific

1) MSG Director-General under fire for West Papua comments

Broadcast Thu 25 Jul 2024 at 6:00am

Audiohttps://www.abc.net.au/pacific/programs/pacificbeat/msgwestpapua/104139636?utm_content=link&utm_medium=content_shared&fbclid=IwY2xjawEQ5TtleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHdv4DuFiv2PjKKemLd6O4bpC-CxGV8lgWjzL0XKKZ6btHmU0OyWMQS1udA_aem_CeTIQzOJOx9yzCUJVEx5hA

Play   Duration: 4 minutes 55 seconds

There has been a backlash against the Director-General of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, Leonard Louma, after Indonesian media reports emerged of him saying the situation in West Papua was “stable and conducive” during a visit to the territory last month.

The visit, which was unannounced, has been criticised for lack of transparency.

“Melanesian countries want to see how the MSG is dealing with the human rights issue in West Papua so they need to be transparent in any of the trips made to that place,” said the President of the Vanuatu Free West Papua Association, Lai Sakita.

“The population of West Papua are Melanesian … and the entity called the MSG should be working for this population not for people who are outside.”

Credits

Leah Lowonbu, Reporter Image Details Leonard Louma(Melanesian Spearhead Group——————————

When will we treat Indonesia seriously? 

By Duncan Graham Jul 24, 2024

Guarantee: This report is free of US political toxins. The contents are purely local.

The title question deserves a cynic’s response: Only when the country next door becomes a military dictatorship and mates with China. Then we might wake up.

Indonesia is seventy times bigger than Bali where most Australians get their experience of beach-and-Bintangs, probably imagining the other 37 provinces are much the same. They’re not.

If the political scientists’ ‘arc of instability’ ever spanned the region, Indonesia isn’t there now.

The world’s fourth largest nation with an impressive 5.3 per cent growth rate, has become an aid donor and is dashing towards superpower status. It’s not within coo-ee of struggling Pacific Island states crying for aid and getting attention in spades by playing footsie with the PRC.

Here’s proof we’re not serious: A decade ago the then Coalition Government paraded its New Colombo Plan – a “signature initiative” whatever that means.

The idea was to “lift knowledge of the Indo-Pacific …by supporting Australian undergraduates to undertake study, language training and internships in the region.” Applause all round.

The name has a history: In 1951 a multi-state meeting in the Sri Lankan capital set up the show to help “developing countries”. We offered scholarships for Southeast Asians to study in Australia. More claps.

Some of Indonesia’s future leaders got to know Down Under and build lasting mateships. That generation has largely passed. The CP is now involved in drug use reduction, gender affairs and climate change.

The NCP reverses the original intent and looks fine till the data is analysed. Students can go to any one of the 40 countries in the scheme. So far 12,000 Aussies have visited Indonesia across three decades, mostly for short courses.

But how to find a uni, a visa and help when all turns turtle? Students can go it alone, but it’s easier using ACICIS, the Australian Consortium for In-Country Studies. It was an idea of now-retired Professor David Hill of Perth’s Murdoch University.

This year the agency celebrates its 30th birthday and reports some achievements.

More than 4,000 alumni are working in key areas of government, here and overseas. In 2012 the now largely forgotten Australia in the Asian Century White Paper described the consortium as a “successful model for in-country learning”.

Last year Hill was given an Indonesian award for “promoting collaboration … and the Indonesian language.”

Despite the persistence of Hill and others, Canberra prefers to focus on the Pacific, particularly islands where Beijing has been poking around for niches to embed.

We wear our monolingualism with pride. That’s gross; the Jakarta Post has told its readers what sort of neighbours they’re lumbered with by reporting: “Australian students participating in Indonesian-language programs has hit a historic low …this trend could have an adverse effect on the broader bilateral ties.”

Ten Indonesian unis are involved with ACICIS. Students keen to better understand our regional mates – as all governments urge but rarely facilitate – have access to 25 courses. They span from law to farming – plus the essentials – language and culture.

Every student backpacker is a de-facto diplomat showing through their involvement and enthusiasm that Aussies aren’t all Kuta hoons – or in the posse of America’s Deputy Sheriff, as John Howard once reportedly positioned his nation.

But here’s the issue: The ACICIS report reveals that last year it “assisted 436 Australian and international students to undertake study in Indonesia.”

Good on ya – except that Indonesian Government figures show the Republic has more than 4,000 “institutes of higher learning”. Though only 184 are public they cater for 3.38 million students.

Many private unis are small and run by religious organisations and corporates. Quality is mixed and offerings are limited. They have around 4.5 million enrollees.

The top campus is the public Universitas Indonesia. Internationally it ranks badly at 206, even lower on some assessment sites.

Overseas study enthusiasts prefer China; Indonesia is seventh on the choice scale, just ahead of South Korea – although in second place (after Japan) in the Indo-Pacific.

A Lowy Institute report claimed “Indonesia’s education system has been a high-volume, low-quality enterprise that has fallen well short of the country’s ambitions for an ‘internationally competitive’ system.”

That was written in 2018. There’s been some movement though little evidence of major reform in the past six years. Jakarta also has to stir the possum if it wants its unis to draw foreigners.

As Indonesia has eleven citizens for every Aussie we need at least 4,500 students exploring the archipelago every year, not for quickies but long term. Even then we’d only be a spit on the surface.

However the number sent through ACICIS is roughly the same as in 2018.

Juggling figures like this is a clumsy exercise taking no account of dropouts, course changes, policy shifts, definitions and other factors like Covid – but it hammers the nail that we’re just not dinkum about the nation next door.

Next year a semester in Indonesia is likely to cost a student in fees, fares, insurance and living costs up to $16,000, though this can be offset by NCP support.

Adaptive frugals can get by on less (and learn more) if they live like locals.

ACICIS gets 2.53 per cent of the NCP’s mobility funding (mainly short courses) and is paying scholarships for long-term students. There are 120 competitive NCP scholarships for top students nominated by their campus.

That’s for any one of 40 countries.

ACICIS director Liam Prince said “the key blockages are in the lack of clear, curriculum-embedded pathways to a semester in the Indo-Pacific by the Australian universities.

“Through size, proximity and geopolitical significance, Australia must have a constructive, mutually beneficial relationship.

“Australia’s side is in trying to see the world from an Indonesian perspective; it’s one of the necessary conditions for fulfilling the potential of the bilateral relationship.”

Former PM Paul Keating said: “We find our security in Asia, we find it by being useful in the Asian community, we find it by building coalitions and this is an imperative.”

It’s an idea still to be bought by the electorate. Otherwise it would demand the federal government gets earnest about urging unis to prioritise Asian skills.

Not everyone wants to do a PhD in Old Javanese but at all levels the curious and talented will want a taste of the New Indonesia. They need encouragement – for all our sakes now and in the years ahead.

 Duncan Graham 

 Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.

Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

-First Published in John Mendaue’s Pearls and Irritants ————————————

Papua’s Awyu, Moi Sigin Tribes Deliver Petition of Support to Top Court over Customary Land Grabs 

 

Translator Najla Nur Fauziyah 

Editor Petir Garda Bhwana 

23 July 2024 08:41 WIB

TEMPO.COJakarta – Representatives of the Awyu and Moi Sigin indigenous communities submitted a petition supporting the tribes’ struggle against palm oil companies to the Supreme Court on Monday, July 22, 2024, from South Papua and Southwest Papua. 

Their visit to the Supreme Court was also intended to question the progress of the Awyu and Moi Sigin tribes’ cassation filed respectively on Mack and early May.

“To this day, we have not received any information about the registration number of the cassation appeal that we, Awyu and Moi Sigin indigenous communities, submitted to the Supreme Court,” said the representative of the Awyu tribe, Hendrikus Woro in a written statement on Monday.

“We came all the way from Papua twice because we were waiting for a decision that would save our customary forests,” said Hendrikus.

Hendrikus Woro’s petition concerns the environmental permit issued by the Papua Provincial Government to PT Indo Asiana Lestari (IAL) for 36,094 hectares of the Woro clan’s customary forest. 

Apart from PT IAL, several members of the Awyu Indigenous communities are also filing an appeal against PT Kartika Cipta Pratama and PT Megakarya Jaya Raya for 65,415 hectares of rainforest.

In a separate case, the Moi Sigin sub-tribe is fighting against PT Sorong Agro Sawitindo (SAS) as the defendant intervenor. PT SAS sued the central government for revoking their permit on 18,160 hectares of customary forest. 

“We received 253,823 signatures in the petition supporting the Awyu and Moi tribes, which today will be submitted directly to the Supreme Court. This petition and the recent #AllEyesOnPapua movement are proof of many people’s concern for the tribes’ struggle,” said a member of the  Save Papua Forests’ Advocacy Team from the Bentala People’s Heritage Foundation, Tigor Hutapea, on Monday.

Member of the Save Papua Forests’ Advocacy Team from Greenpeace Indonesia, Sekar Banjaran Aji, said customary forests are an ancestral heritage that has supported the Awyu and Moi Sigin indigenous communities for generations. They depend on forests as hunting grounds and ‘supermarkets’ for various sources of food and medicine. Forests are also indigenous people’s culture and identity.

Sekar emphasized that saving Papua’s forests will not only strengthen the defense against the climate crisis and biodiversity extinction but also protect natural, social, and cultural wealth.

Moi Sigin indigenous woman, Diana Klafiyu, also expressed her appreciation for the support that has poured in for their struggle and those signing the petition. 

“I hope that the judge will decide in favor of us, the indigenous people of the Moi tribe and the Awyu tribe,” Diana said.

ANNISA FEBIOLA

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Jokowi Plants Sugarcane in Indonesia’s Merauke Megaproject  

Translator Najla Nur Fauziyah 

Editor Petir Garda Bhwana 

24 July 2024 10:26 WIB

TEMPO.COJakarta – President Joko Widodo or Jokowi visited Sermayam Village, Tanah Miring District, Merauke Regency, South Papua Province, on Tuesday, July 23, 2024. During the visit, Jokowi stressed the government’s commitment to supporting sustainable initiatives in the fields of agriculture and the environment.

In Sermayam Village, Jokowi planted the first sugarcane at PT Global Papua Abadi (GPA). He also inspected several of the company’s existing facilities and infrastructure. These include tissue culture laboratories, sugarcane nurseries, sugarcane plantations, and conservation plant nurseries.

The Sermayam Sugarcane Plantation was a National Strategic Project to support the acceleration of national sugar self-sufficiency and bioethanol as biofuel. The plantation managed by PT Global Papua Abadi covers 506 hectares of land with an investment value of Rp53.8 trillion.

The Presidential Secretariat, in a written statement, said that the food and energy sector will also be the focus of President-elect Prabowo Subianto’s administration. 

Jokowi said sugarcane planting was a strategic step in responding to the global food crisis due to extreme climate change. “Food independence, food security, and food sovereignty must be prioritized,” said Jokowi.

The Sermayam Sugarcane Plantation Megaproject will build five sugar factories to process sugar cane. To support this, GPA built laboratory facilities at the nursery location, which supports research and tissue culture to produce sugarcane seeds and functions as a sugarcane research center.

The Sugarcane Seed Research and Laboratory Area in Sermayan research into the growth and development of sugarcane seed varieties from Australia. GPA collaborates with Sugar Research Australia and P3GI (Indonesian Sugar Plantation Research Center) to obtain suitable seeds for development in Merauke.

Selected seeds are grown and propagated in the main garden in the GPA Plantation area in the Jagebob area which is expected to start operating in 2027. 

DANIEL A. FAJRI

Latest Puncak Jaya massacre reveals West Papua ‘is a time bomb’, claims Benny Wenda 

By APR editor –  July 20, 2024

Asia Pacific Report

A brutal killing of three Papuan civilians in Puncak Jaya reveals that occupied West Papua is a ticking time bomb under Indonesian President-elect Prabowo Subianto, claims the leader of an advocacy group.

And United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) Benny Wenda says the Melanesian region risks becoming “another East Timor”.

The victims have been named as Tonda Wanimbo, 33; Dominus Enumbi, and Murib Government.

Their killings were followed by riots in Puncak Jaya as angry indigenous residents protested in front of the local police station and set fire to police cars, said Wenda in a statement.

“This incident is merely the most recent example of Indonesia’s military and business strategy in West Papua,” he said.

“Indonesia deliberately creates escalations to justify deploying more troops, particularly in mineral-rich areas, causing our people to scatter and allowing international corporations to exploit the empty land – starting the cycle of bloodshed all over again.”

According to the ULMWP, 4500 Indonesian troops have recently been deployed to Paniai, one of the centres of West Papuan resistance.

An estimated 100,000 West Papuans have been displaced since 2018, while recent figures show more than 76,000 Papuans remain internally displaced — “living as refugees in the bush”.

Indonesia ‘wants our land’
“Indonesia wants our land and our resources, not our people,” Wenda said.

The Indonesian military claimed that the three men were members of the resistance movement TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army), but this has been denied.

Military spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Candra Kurniawan claimed one of the men had been sought by security forces for six years for alleged shootings of civilians and security personnel.

“This is the same lie they told about Enius Tabuni and the five Papuan teenagers murdered in Yahukimo in September 2023,” Wenda said.

“The military line was quickly refuted by a community leader in Puncak Jaya, who clarified that the three men were all civilians.”

Concern over Warinussy
Wenda said he was also “profoundly concerned” over the shooting of lawyer and human rights defender Christian Warinussy.

Warinussy has spent his career defending indigenous Papuans who have expelled from their ancestral land to make way for oil palm plantations and industrial mines.

“Although we don’t know who shot him, his shooting acts as a clear warning to any Papuans who stand up for their customary land rights or investigates Indonesia’s crimes,” Wenda said.

Indonesia’s latest violence is taking place “in the shadow of Prabowo Subianto”, who is due to take office as President on October 20.

Prabowo has been widely accused over human rights abuses during his period in Timor-Leste.

“Will he form militias to crush the West Papua liberation movement, as he previously did in East Timor?” asked Wenda.