Pope Francis Must Urge Indonesia to Respect Human Dignity and Social Justice in Development

Pope Francis’ visit to Indonesia from 3 to 6 September 2024 should be a momentum to urge Indonesia to stop gross human rights violations and provide redress for past atrocities or injustices resulting from socially and environmentally unfriendly development policies, such as those in Papua and Rempang, Amnesty International Indonesia said today.

“The messages of peace, love, and dialogue that Pope Francis always conveys are highly relevant to a world facing division and intolerance. This visit is crucial to reaffirming every nation’s obligation to uphold the values of human dignity and social justice,” said Usman Hamid, Executive Director of Amnesty International Indonesia.

“Pope Francis is scheduled to meet with the President and other key officials. This is an opportunity to urge Indonesia to fulfil its commitments in the field of human rights, including providing a remedy for past gross human rights violations and protecting communities, including Indigenous Peoples, from misguided economic policies.”

“This visit also provides an important platform to advocate for an end to repressive policies in response to protests and demonstrations, call for peace in Papua, and prevent discriminatory practices against religious minority groups. The assassination of human rights activist Munir, which marks 20 years since his death, also needs attention.”

Indonesia is currently an active member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), but it has yet to implement several key recommendations related to stopping gross human rights violations resulting from development policies and protecting religious minority groups from attacks on their freedom to practice their beliefs and establish places of worship.

Amnesty International Indonesia has recorded several unresolved cases of gross human rights violations, including the 1965/66 mass killings, the 1984 Tanjung Priok incident, the 1989 Lampung incident, the July 27, 1996 attack, the 1997/98 abduction and forced disappearance of activists, the Trisakti, Semanggi I, and Semanggi II shootings, the May 1998 riots, the Munir case, and extrajudicial killings in Papua.

Amnesty has also recorded at least 123 cases of intolerance between January 2021 and July 2024, including the rejection, closure, or destruction of places of worship and physical attacks. The perpetrators are suspected to come from various backgrounds, including government officials, residents, and civil society organizations.

On 30 June 2024, a village head, along with a group of people, stopped a Sunday service at a Pentecostal church in Sidoarjo, East Java. They argued that the church did not have a building permit (IMB). According to the local pastor, the church building was registered as a prayer house on December 7, 2023, and obtaining an IMB is not easy as it takes two years. However, the village head insisted on the IMB requirement.

To build a place of worship, the 2006 Joint Decree of the Minister of Religious Affairs and the Minister of Home Affairs requires the approval of at least 60 local residents, endorsement by the village head, and a written recommendation from the Department of Religious Affairs and the Forum for Religious Harmony. This process has the potential for conflict in areas where minority religious communities face rejection from the local community.

On 5 May 2024, a group of people led by a neighbourhood head attacked a number of Catholic students who were holding a Rosary Prayer event at a house in South Tangerang. They forced the participants to worship in a church instead of at home.

On 2 July 2024, the Garut Regency government in West Java sealed off a place of worship for Ahmadiyah Muslims. Indonesia continues to record cases of restrictions on the rights and freedoms of religious communities.

Amnesty International hopes that Pope Francis’ visit will highlight these issues to ensure the protection of religious freedom in Indonesia.

“The Pope’s visit plays a crucial role in encouraging Indonesia to end intolerance and discrimination against all minority groups. Religious freedom is a right protected by Indonesia’s constitution,” said Usman Hamid.

“This guarantee must be effectively enforced through laws and regulations that are in line with international human rights standards.”

Amnesty also hopes that Pope Francis’s visit to Indonesia will draw attention to the implementation of National Strategic Projects (PSN), which are often carried out using coercive approaches without meaningful consultation with Indigenous Peoples. Many large-scale infrastructure projects under the PSN have had serious impacts on the lives of Indigenous Peoples, whose rights to land, culture, and the protection of Indigenous scientific knowledge are frequently neglected.

Many Indigenous Peoples still do not have their land rights recognized by the government, making them vulnerable to agrarian conflicts and often becoming victims of development projects, as has happened in Rempang, Wadas, and Mandalika.

Meanwhile, Indigenous Peoples who speak out critically against the government in defending their rights in agrarian conflicts often face attacks. Amnesty International Indonesia recorded at least eight cases of attacks against Indigenous Peoples from January 2019 to March 2024, with at least 84 victims, including criminalization, intimidation, and physical violence.

“Pope Francis, who is known for his commitment to social justice, environmental preservation, and the protection of Indigenous rights, is expected to voice his concerns over these violations during his visit to Indonesia,” said Usman.

Call to End Human Rights Violations in Papua

Pope Francis’ visit to Indonesia is also expected to highlight the situation in Papua, where conflict continues, and the rights of Indigenous Papuans and other civilians are under constant threat.

“Papua, which has experienced violence for decades, must be addressed. The escalation of violence, militarization, and suppression of dissent in Papua has resulted in many civilian casualties, displacement, and a humanitarian crisis that requires urgent attention,” said Usman.

Civilians in Papua, including Indigenous Peoples, have suffered due to large-scale military operations resulting in extrajudicial killings by state and non-state armed groups, torture, internal displacement, and other violations.

From 3 February 2018 to 20 August 2024, Amnesty recorded 132 cases of extrajudicial killings resulting in at least 242 civilian deaths. Some of these cases were carried out by security forces (83 cases with 135 victims), while others were by pro-independence armed groups (49 cases with 107 victims).

In addition to local civilians, victims also included a New Zealand helicopter pilot, Glen Malcolm Conning, who was killed while transporting four civilians in Alama District, Mimika Regency, Central Papua, on 5 August 2024. It is still unclear who was responsible for the killing, prompting Amnesty to call for a full investigation.

Another New Zealand citizen, Phillip Mehrtens, has been held hostage since 7 February 2023, by a faction of the pro-independence armed group in Papua. Between January 2019 and February 2024, there were at least 17 cases of torture involving 50 victims, allegedly committed by security personnel and state officials in Papua.

“Therefore, Pope Francis must also emphasize the importance of peaceful dialogue and resolutions that respect human rights and the aspirations of the Papuan people,” said Usman. (*)

Rallies in Papua marking New York Agreement dispersed with teargas, rubber bullets

Jubi Papua – August 15, 2024

Activists from the West Papua National Committee or the KNPB returned to the streets for their 14th action on Thursday August 15, to commemorate the 1962 New York Agreement, the day when power over West Papua was transferred from the Netherlands to Indonesia.

Several locations where demonstrations were to be held, both in Jayapura city and Jayapura regency, were blocked by police. Even though the KNPB claimed to have obtained a permit for the action from police.

As many as 36 protesters emerged from the direction of Buper Waena where they marched in six lines carrying KNPB flags and written demands on A4 carboard placards.

“No room for racism” and “The Indonesian state must be immediately held accountable for human rights violations in Papua” read the placards. The demonstration was tightly guarded by dozens of police officers with water cannons.

KNPB field coordinator Mesias Silak, after negotiating with police, was finally given permission to gives speeches and convey their demands.

The speeches proceeded peacefully, during which the KNPB members remained in line cordoned off by raffia rope. At around 1.45 pm the action was joined by around 50 people who arrived from the direction of the Abe Expo Waena Bridge.

Simultanious rallies by the KNPB marking the New York Agreement were held in several other parts of Papua.

Students in Jayapura protest New York Agreement and racism

Hundreds of students from various universities in Jayapura city held a protest on the Cenderawasih University (Uncen) campus on Thursday in which they took up two main issues: “The injustice of the 1962 New York Agreement and rejecting the racism experienced by the Papuan people”.

Action coordinator Enis Dapla emphasised that the 1962 New York Agreement was legally flawed because it did not involve the Papuan people.

“The agreement became the basis for the annexation of Papua by Indonesia through the 1969 Pepera [The 1969 UN sponsored referendum on West Papua’s integration with Indonesia], which we consider illegal and ridden with manipulation”, said Dapla.

In addition, Dapla also highlighted the issue of racism that continues to be felt by the Papuan people.

“Racism is not only the enemy of Papua, but also the enemy of the world. This action is a form of student resistance against all forms of racism, not only in Papua but throughout the world”, he explained.

The protest action that was initially planned to last until late afternoon was limited by the police to 12 noon, however the students continued the action on the grounds of the Uncen Faculty of Teacher Training and Education (FKIP) secretariat.

“We didn’t violate anyone’s rights, but the police continue to limit the action. In fact they entered the campus area, which should not be allowed according to the law”, said Dapla.

The students emphasised that during the action they conveyed their aspirations peacefully and without anarchic acts. “Freedom of expression and expressing opinions in public is the right of every citizen, including students”, he said.

Laba Heluka, a student activist from the Uncen Faculty of Law, emphasised that the issue of racism was a major focus during the action.

“Racism is a global enemy. We demand that there is no more racial discrimination against the people of Papua, both in the world of education, work and health services”, he said.

Heluka also criticised the restrictions on freedom of expression that continue to occur in Papua, especially with regard to peaceful protest actions. “Even though Law Number 9/1998 guarantees freedom of expression in public, in fact Papuan students are often restricted and silenced”, he said.

Give Papua the right to self-determination

The KNPB along with indigenous Papuan communities and various organisations in Greater Sorong also commemorated the New York Agreement in Sorong city on Thursday.

Wespa Papwes Gombo, a representative of the Independent Indigenous People of Papua (MAI-P) said the action was to remember the New York Agreement which was made unilaterally without involving the Papuan nation which a year earlier, on December 1, 1961, had issued a manifesto of independence to stand alone as a nation and a state.

Gombo said that Indonesia manipulated the mandate of the New York Agreement on self-determination through the 1969 Act of Free Choice. Out of the 809,337 West Papuans who had the right to vote, only around 1,026 people were selected and quarantined, and just 175 people were then forced at gunpoint to vote to join Indonesia.

In Indonesia’s report to the UN, the reason given for this was that Papuan people were still “primitive and backward”. “This racist view was used by Indonesia to gain international support for its colonisation of West Papua”, said Gombo.

A similar view was expressed in a speech by Eskop, a law student from the Sorong Muhammadiyah University, who said that today the Papuan nation is marking 62 years of colonisation by the Indonesian colonialists.

Meanwhile Indonesia is celebrating its 79th anniversary of independence with the spirit of colonising West Papua. Yet on the one hand Indonesia claims to be an anti-colonial country, but on the other it also plays an active role in robbing the Papuan people of their right to self-determination.

Eskop said that Papuan Special Autonomy (Otsus), territorial expansion and all forms of enforced and brutal exploitation in the Land of Papua, were a continuation of racist colonialism that begun with the Trikora operation in 1961, the New York Agreement in 1962 and Pepera in 1969.

Eskop explained that Indonesian colonialism, which is ridden with racism, has resulted in reducing the number of indigenous Papuans to only 2,971,340 people out of a total population 5.4 million.

Even more tragic, the number of non-Papuan residents is now larger, with an annual growth rate 6.39 percent per year. Meanwhile the poverty and low life expectancy of Papuans continue to place Papua in first place in negative indicators for Indonesia.

Meanwhile, from the cities to the villages, migrants with company and military support dominate all productive sectors. “Our customary forests, the last fortresses against the threat of global warming, are now threatened. Of the 34.3 million hectares of primary forests in the land of Papua, 793,623 hectares were lost in 2021-2022 alone”, he said.

Action coordinator Appull Heluka added that Indonesian colonialism with its militarism, continues to massively invade the entire land of Papua. The goal is to secure military businesses and investment.

He said that Indonesia’s colonial military operations had created around 76,919 internally displaced people in seven regions, forcing them to leave their hometowns and live in uncertainty.

“The peaceful solution and humanitarian pause proposed by the Papuan Council of Churches and the ULMWP (United Liberation Movement for West Papua) were rejected by Jakarta, which prefers bloody [military] operations. We demand that they immediately leave our land, West Papua”, he said.

The action proceeded safely and peacefully under the close guard of dozens of police personnel. During the action, the demonstrators read out a number of statements and demands, including rejecting all the forms of colonisation and oppression by the Indonesian colonialists in Papua.

They also asked Indonesia to respect the right of the Papuan people to determine their own future.

Two protesters injured by rubber bullets in Nabire

A KNPB demonstration protesting the New York Agreement in Nabire, Central Papua, on Thursday was confronted with violence by security forces.

KNPB Nabire Regional Management Board Secretary Zadrak Kudiyai told Jubi that two demonstrators, Andrias Gobay (a Dogiyai regional KNPB member) and Yosua Pigome, were struck by rubber bullets fired by security forces.

“They were shot at the resettlement beside the Nabire River, Karang Market. A rubber bullet was found in Andrias Gobay’s thigh and the bullet has been removed, while Yosua Pigome was shot in the calf, the bullet has not been removed yet and he is currently still being operated on at Nabire District General Hospital (RSUD) emergency room”, said Kudiyai on Thursday afternoon.

Kudiyai explained that hundreds of demonstrators who are members of the KNPB throughout the Meepago region held a peaceful demonstration centred in Nabire. “The demonstrators were shot, arrested, shot at with tear gas, and beaten. During the action one police officer was also injured in Siriwini”, he said.

According to Kudiyai, they started the protest at 7 am at several different points. Protesters in front of the Satya Wiyata Mandala University (USWIM) campus were then taken away by police from the Nabire District Police using a crowd control vehicle.

Meanwhile protesters at the SP point were also picked up by police using two crowd control vehicles and taken to the Nabire District Police station.

“Meanwhile the demonstrators at the Siriwini point, police officers fired teargas and dispersed the demonstrators and one KNPB member was arrested by police”, he said.

The protesters who were taken away by the police, said Kudiyai, are still at the Nabire Police station. “They have not been sent home yet”, he added.

According to Kudiyai, the attitude of the police and TNI (Indonesian military) was very indiscriminate in handling the peaceful KNPB mass action. “This is very unreasonable, because this country guarantees democratic freedoms, but that’s not like what we experienced in the field today”, he said.

Protesters in Meepago dispersed with teargas

KNPB members throughout the Meepago region were deployed in a joint action on Thursday centred in Nabire. They came from the Paniai, Dogiyai, Deiyai and Intan Jaya regencies and from Nabire itself.

The protesters, who had gathered at Karang Tumaritis Market in the morning were scheduled to hold a long-march to the Central Papua Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) and the Papua People’s Council (MRP) offices located in Kali Bobo.

Upon arriving in front of the Karang Barat Gel-Gel Workshop, they were stopped by security forces who ordered them to disperse. Shortly after they began firing teargas to disperse the demonstrators.

SD, a resident of Karang Barat who witnessed the incident, said the demonstrators were marching peacefully in rank cordoned off by a rope. “When security forces using two Barracuda and crowd control trucks arrived at the location, [they] fired teargas and the crowd dispersed”, they said.

Then, said SD, the protesters fled into residential alleys and the security forces chased after them firing teargas. “I saw them running away and one person was put in a police car and taken to the Nabire police station”, they said.

Speaking at a cafe in Nabire, Nabire District Police Chief Assistant Superintendent Wahyudi Satrio Bintoro told reporters that based on his observations at several locations the situation was under control.

When Jubi.id asked about the use of rubber bullets and teargas, Bintoro said that police used standard operating procedures (SOP) in accordance with National Police Chief Regulation Number 1/2029 on the Use of Force during Police Actions.

“We implemented this from the start of our presence, right, we made an appeal, conveyed this, we encourage them, but it turns out that their position was to carry out anarchic actions, throwing stones. Even our members who were in position there were hit by stones, injured”, he said, adding that because of this, they used firm but measured actions using teargas.

Police disperse protest in Abepura with water cannon

Police used water cannon to disperse a peaceful action commemorating 62 years since the New York Agreement at the Abepura intersection in Jayapura city.

The action, which took place between 12:30 and 3:21 pm, was coordinated by the KNPB. Police personnel from the Jayapura city district police broke up the action before representatives from the protesters could read out their statements.

KNPB General Chairperson Warpo Sampari Wetipo said their demonstration was peaceful and open, therefore breaking up the action was an example of the practices of colonialism in the land of Papua.

“The colonialists will never give the slightest bit of space (freedom) to the people they colonise. They feel superior so they treat the Papuan nation arbitrarily”, said Wetipo.

However, he continued to call on all Papuan people not to be weak, let alone retreat from the ranks of resistance against this oppression. They must continue to gather their strength and become a new spirit for the struggle of the Papuan nation.

“The Papuan people must not be weak, let alone retreat. (The dispersing of protesters) will (in fact) provide new strength and spirit so that (the Papuan people’s struggle will) become more advanced and radical”, said Wetipo.

Jayapura City Deputy Police Chief Senior Commissioner Deni Herdiana said they broke up the action because in their view the coordinator was unable to control the situation. According to Herdiana, there were indications that the protesters intended to commit vandalism, such as burning used tyres on the road that could disrupt security and public order in Jayapura city.

“We coordinated (agreed) with the korlap (field coordinator), namely giving one to two hours (for the masses to give speeches). However, the korlapwas not committed so we took measured law enforcement efforts”, said Herdiana.

In Jayapura city, around 700 security personnel were deployed to secure the 1962 New York Agreement commemoration events consisting of Indonesian Police (Polri) and TNI personnel.

“Polri and the TNI are safe guarding (securing the action) because it is approaching August 17 (Indonesian Independence Day). Currently, we have not secured (arrested) any demonstrators”, added Herdiana.

— Reporting by Ratty Auparai, Aida Ulim, Gamaliel Kailele, Hengky Yeimo and Pes Yanengga

[Abridged translation by James Balowski based on five articles by Jubi Papua on August 15. The original title of the lead article was “Aksi KNPB Protes New York Agreement Dihadang Pihak Keamanan”.]

Source: https://jubi.id/polhukam/2024/polisi-bubarkan-aksi-protes-perjanjian-new-york-di-abepura/

101 activists released, KNPB says Nabire Police do not provide space for freedom

Last updated: August 17, 2024 12:32 am 

Penulis: Hengky Yeimo Editor: Syofiardi

Nabire, Jubi – Member of the West Papua National Committee or KNPB Gerson Pigai said that there were 101 KNPB activists participating in the demonstration who were arrested by the Nabire Police on Thursday (15/8/2024) morning, including 3 people who were previously arrested while distributing leaflets, all of whom have been released and returned home.

“From all points, we totaled around 101 people who were arrested. On Thursday (15/8/2024) at 11 pm they were released,” he told a number of journalists during a press conference attended by KNPB members and leaders throughout the Meepago Region in Kali Bobo, Friday (16/8/2024).

Meanwhile, 2 KNPB activists who suffered gunshot wounds, Andy Tebay and Yosua Pigome, are still being treated at Nabire Regional Hospital. In addition, Pigai said, 8 KNPB members also suffered serious injuries from beatings by police officers using barreled boots, iron, rattan, and gun butts.

“There were also objects belonging to the demonstrators that were lost at the demonstration site and at the Nabire Police. Items in the form of money, cellphones, belonging to the demonstrators that were taken, we ask the police to return them to their owners immediately,” he said.

Gerson Pigai reported in general the chronology of the action that resulted in mass arrests by the police. The KNPB Meepago Region held a demonstration against the New York Agreement on August 15, 1962 while commemorating August as Racism Month at several points in Nabire on Thursday (8/15/2024) morning.

The demonstrators, said Pigai, gathered at five points, namely Kali Bobo, Siriwini, Pasar Karang, SP, and Jepara II. However, at all points they were approached by police officers from the Nabire Police, the action was disbanded, and they were taken to the Nabire Police Office.

“The masses began to descend to the gathering points at around 7 am. The masses in Kalibobo had been giving speeches for around 10 minutes, and the police immediately came to take them away,” he said.

According to him, the police arrested a large number of the masses. Then they were taken to the Nabire Police Office. “The brutality of the masses was that they were told to take off their clothes and sunbathe in the hot sun,” he said.

The person in charge of the action who is also the Secretary of KNPB Nabire, Zadrak Kudiyai explained, of the five action points, for the action plan at SP 1, the police had already dispersed them before they took action. Meanwhile, in Kalibobo, the masses were already at the location, then arrested by the police. Then in Siriwini, the police dispersed the masses at 12.46 WIT.

“The police dispersed them without negotiating with the field coordinator at the gathering point,” he said. “From the report we received, there were 3 people who were arrested,” he added.

Then the action at Karang Market had reached the action point, when the road reached the Kali Nabire Bridge. “The police blocked them from the direction of Wonorejo and from the direction of Karang Barat, and fired tear gas, so that the masses dispersed,” he said.

Kudiai said that two participants in the action who were shot by security forces were still at the Nabire Regional General Hospital in Siriwini. The two victims were named Andrias Gobay (a member of the KNPB Dogiyai Region) and Yosua Pigome. They were shot in the resettlement beside the Kali Nabire.

“Both victims are in critical condition,” he said. “Andrias Gobay and Yosua Pigome are currently still lacking blood and they still have to be treated at the Nabire Regional Hospital,” he added.

According to Kudiyai, the police’s action in breaking up the KNPB demonstration at five points in Nabire violated the law and the security forces did not provide any room for freedom.

“The police did not carry out security in accordance with applicable laws and regulations, including procedures in accordance with Perkap (Chief of Police Regulation) Number 1 of 2029 concerning the Use of Force in Police Actions,” he said.

Photos circulating on social media show KNPB protesters being ordered to sit in a row without clothes on the Nabire Police grounds. –Jubi/Medsos

Zadrak Kudiyai: There are many interests in Nabire

Regarding the roadblock after the protesters were dispersed at the Kali Nabire Bridge, Kudiyai said that the KNPB was not responsible.

“After the protesters were dispersed, the KNPB protesters from Meepago retreated, so the KNPB is not responsible for the roadblock that started from the side of the Nabire Transat River to the main road in front of the Wonorejo Mosque, the KNPB is not responsible,” he said.

The reason his party is not responsible, said Kudiyai, is because in the second press conference his party has appealed and conveyed that if problems occur during the protest while drunk or carrying sharp tools, the KNPB is not responsible.

“Because we know that in Nabire there are many interests,” he said.

Kudiyai also suspects that the pursuit of immigrants carried out by non-Papuans [or Nusantara citizens] in Wonorejo was fostered by BIN which was scripted to disrupt the KNPB protest and scapegoat the KNPB.

“We are not responsible from the start, we have said that we are not responsible because there are many interests in Nabire. So from Transat to the mosque it is outside our responsibility, because it is outside our chain of command,” he said.

He also highlighted the police’s actions which he considered wrong where all participants of the action before being sent home were told to sign a letter not to carry out any more KNPB actions.

“We consider this very wrong, because the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia stipulates that every citizen has the right to express their opinion in public,” he said.

KNPB Meepago Region’s statement of position

Kimot Mote, the general field coordinator of the simultaneous KNPB Meepago action on Thursday, August 15, 2024 in Nabire, said that his party carried the theme of the KNPB Meepago region action in Nabire, namely ‘Expel Colonialism Against Racism’.

“We issued a KNPB statement of position yesterday during a joint action by the West Papuan people rejecting the illegal New York Agreement against anti-racism,” he said.

The statement of position contained nine points, namely that Indonesia immediately open up democratic space in the Land of Papua, withdraw the military from West Papua, stop dropping the Indonesian military into West Papua, stop ecocide genocide in West Papua, and reject PT Blok Wabu, PT Somaling, and others in West Papua.

Then stop arresting Papuan Freedom activists, the UN immediately reviews the 1969 Pepera and immediately holds a re-referendum, Indonesia immediately opens up foreign journalists to West Papua, and Indonesia immediately grants the right to self-determination for the West Papuan Nation as a democratic solution.

Police Chief’s Explanation

As previously reported by Jubi.id (Thursday, 15/8/2024), at 14:39 WIT at a cafe in Nabire, Nabire Police Chief AKBP Wahyudi Satrio Bintoro told reporters that the results of his monitoring up to that second were that the situation was safe and under control.

“Yes, there were indeed some small ripples, but we have controlled everything. It has gradually become conducive. Even this was from the Forkompimda, both provincial and district, both checking, the situation can be controlled,” he said.

Jubi.id asked about the shooting and tear gas shooting, the Police Chief said that regarding this problem, his party had used the procedure in accordance with Perkap (Chief of Police Regulation) Number 1 of 2029 concerning the Use of Force in Police Actions.

“We have implemented it starting from our presence, we have given an appeal, conveyed, we encouraged, it turned out that their position was carrying out anarchic actions, throwing stones. Even our members were hit by the throwing too, injured,” he said.

The police chief continued. “There were even motorbikes belonging to residents that were burned. Then on the bridges, the pillars were also all removed. Therefore, we carried out firm, measured action using tear gas,” he said. (*)

Papua independence protestors seek papal intervention after clashes with Indonesian forces

Demonstrations marked the 62nd anniversary of the U.N. agreement enabling Jakarta’s annexation of Papua.

Victor Mambor  2024.08.16

Jayapura, Indonesia

Indonesian security forces fired tear gas and rubber bullets in clashes with protestors marking the 62nd anniversary of a U.N. agreement that paved the way for Jakarta’s annexation of the Papua region. 

At least one protester was wounded by a rubber bullet and 95 people were arrested during the unrest in Nabire, the capital of Central Papua province, said Kimot Mote, one of the protest organizers.  

The demonstrations on Thursday were led by the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), a pro-independence group that opposes Indonesian rule in Papua. Similar protests were reported across several other cities, including Manokwari, Sorong Raya, Wamena, and Yahukimo, activists said.

Protesters are urging international bodies, including the United Nations, the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and the Pacific Islands Forum, to intervene and pressure Indonesia to halt military operations in Papua. 

KNPB chairman Warpo Wetipo issued a direct plea to Pope Francis, asking him to raise awareness about the violence and human rights violations in Papua. 

The head of the Catholic Church is due to visit Indonesia next month, followed by Papua New Guinea, Timor Leste and Singapore.

“We ask the Pope to advocate for an end to the oppression of the Papuan people,” Wetipo said.

While the protest in Nabire started peacefully, tensions escalated when police deployed tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the crowds, Mote said.

“There was a heavy police presence, with around 100 officers using trucks and crowd-control vehicles to quell the demonstrators,” he told BenarNews. 

Local police chief Wahyudi Satrio Bintoro said security personnel took action after the protestors threw rocks at officers and engaged in vandalism, including setting fire to motorcycles. 

“The Nabire police carried out measured and decisive action,” he said. 

The New York Agreement is a treaty between the Netherlands and Indonesia regarding the administration of Papua, then called Western New Guinea. It stipulates that the United Nations would initially assume control, but if the U.N. permits, Indonesia could take over administration under certain conditions. 

The agreement, negotiated in U.S.-hosted meetings, was signed on August 15, 1962, at the United Nations headquarters in New York City.

However, many Papuans believe the deal was made without their consent, and it paved the way for what they see as Indonesia’s illegitimate annexation of their homeland.

West Papua was formally integrated into Indonesia in 1969 following a controversial referendum, known as the “Act of Free Choice.” Under heavy military presence, a small group of just over 1,000 selected Papuans voted unanimously for integration, a result that many have since disputed.

Since then, the region has been the site of long-running conflict between Indonesian security forces and separatist rebels, with frequent reports of human rights abuses.

Despite efforts to address the economic development of the region, many Papuans continue to push for self-determination, citing decades of discrimination, military violence, and exploitation of their land and resources.

In Jayapura, protesters were denied access to the planned protest site in Abepura. 

“We had secured permission for the protest, but the police still obstructed us,” said KNPB’s Wetipo. 

In Abepura, a group of students gathered under the banner “Students Concerned About Papua,” delivering speeches and calling for attention to Papua’s ongoing struggles.

Jayapura police confirmed the intervention, arguing that the protests were highly disruptive. 

In Nabire, the situation became tense on Thursday when non-Papuan residents, identifying as “Warga Nusantara” (Archipelago Citizens), clashed with protesters, said Taksen Giyai, a local resident. 

“They were armed with iron bars, wood, and machetes, blocking the demonstrators’ path,” he said. No clashes were reported.

Central Papua’s acting governor, Ribka Haluk, called for calm. 

“I urge all parties to ensure safety and security,” she said, adding that grievances should be addressed through appropriate channels rather than violence. 

In other cities, the protests were similarly contained by police. 

In Manokwari, officers set up roadblocks to prevent demonstrators from reaching key areas. Protester Erick Aleknoe said that negotiators attempted to cooperate with police.

“Our negotiators offered to have the police escort the crowd to the location, but it was rejected,” he said.

Peaceful rallies planned in West Papua for 15 August. The New York Agreement . Activists already intimidated

The 15 August   marks  62 years since The New York Agreement and West Papuans  are still suffering  under Indonesian colonial rule. Yes, most of the world recognises Indonesian sovereignty over West Papua at this stage but most also would recognise that the so called act of free choice in 1969 was a sham.

The New York Agreement

In August 1962, an agreement was concluded in New York between the Netherlands and Indonesia. Under this agreement, the Dutch were to leave West New Guinea and transfer sovereignty to UNTEA (the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority). After 7 months the UN transferred power to Indonesia with the provision that a referendum be held to determine Papuan preference for independence, or integration with Indonesia. 

The New York Agreement was a betrayal of the West Papuan people. 

President Thomas Wilson said  “ …that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property”

Joe Collins of AWPA said, “and this is exactly what happened to the West Papuan people. Handed over by one colonial power, The Netherlands to another, Indonesia with a short administration period by the UN as a face-saving compromise for the Dutch and the international community”.

The West Papuan National Committee  ( KNPB) has called for West Papuans to come out and peacefully protest this betrayal and have been handing out flyers (on the 13 August) to inform about the upcoming rallies on the 15 August. 

In an act of  intimidation up to 60 activists were taken by the police to the Doyo police Station in Sentani. 

Joe Collins said ,” this is to intimate civil society groups into not taking part in the proposed rallies on the 15 August.  Hopefully, there will not be a repeat of previous years where  the security forces have cracked down in their usual heavy-handed approach on  peaceful demonstrators”.

Photos posted on AWPA FB Page. (KNPB informing public about upcoming rallies).

 “ West Papuan civil society groups regularly hold events and rallies on days of significance in their history,  to try and bring attention to the world, of the injustices they suffer under Indonesian rule. And this is what Jakarta fears most , international scrutiny  on the ongoing human rights abuses in the territory”.

Also of concern is that the 17 August is Indonesian Independence Day.

The Indonesian Security  forces can use the day to take propaganda  photos of Papuans supporting their Independence day. It is now 5 years since the West Papua uprising when thousands of West Papuans took to the streets in all the major cities and towns across West Papua.  The demonstrators were  protesting against the arrest and racial abuse against West Papuan students in Surabaya, Indonesia.

The arrest of 43 students in Surabaya occurred because it had been reported that an Indonesian flag had been vandalised near the students dormitory.

At the time, The Jakarta Post (19 August) reported that security personnel and members of Indonesian organisations launched physical and verbal attacks on the Papuan students accusing them of refusing to celebrate Indonesia’s 74th Independence Day, and that an “angry mob arrived at the dormitory after they found a discarded Indonesian flag near the building. During the incident, they reportedly threw stones at the dormitory while shouting racial abuse and chanting “Kick out the Papuans!” and “Slaughter the Papuans!” 

The mob also called the students monkeys, pigs and dogs, shouting “don’t you come out. We are waiting for you here”.  As they stormed the building the Police fired tear gas into the building and arrested 43 students. The students were later released after questioning. They had denied any knowledge of the damaged flag. However, this incident triggered rallies across West Papua in a show of support for the students and in protest against the discrimination and injustices that West Papuans suffer daily under Indonesia rule.

It is estimated that up to 60 people died , including 35 indigenous West Papuans  and  hundreds injured with  over 20,00 civilians displaced during the Uprising period. 

Joe Collins said, “hopefully this year the Indonesian security forces  will allow the West Papuan people  to hold their peaceful rallies without interference . 

“Canberra,  along with the two regional organisations , the  Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF)  should be strongly  urging Jakarta to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua to investigate the human rights situation in the territory. Jakarta should also be urged to allow  a joint PIF- MSG fact finding mission to the territory”.

Ends

Report highlights misapplication of treason charges against Papuan activists

Human Rights News / IndonesiaWest Papua / 22 August 2024 

Recent findings highlight the ongoing use of treason charges to suppress peaceful activism in Papua, raising significant concerns over the infringement of fundamental human rights. A report by the Alliance for Democracy for Papua (AlDP) and Tapol, launched in Jayapura in July 2024, reveals that treason laws are frequently employed to criminalise activists advocating for Papuan rights, including those involved in anti-racism protests and commemorations of political leaders.

The research documents 52 cases where activists were charged with treason, noting that these charges are often applied broadly, disregarding the peaceful nature of the protests. Legal experts and human rights advocates argue that the treason laws, rooted in colonial-era legislation, are misapplied to suppress freedom of expression rather than addressing genuine threats to national security.

Professor Melkias Hetharia of Cenderawasih University argues that the expression of support for Papuan independence, when conducted peacefully, does not constitute treason. He emphasizes that such expressions should be protected under international human rights standards, to which Indonesia is a signatory.

The report calls for a revision of treason laws and urges the Indonesian government to respect political expression and engage in dialogue to address the underlying issues in Papua, rather than resorting to repressive legal measures that only fuel further resistance.

From Papua to Gaza, military occupation leads to ‘ecocide’ – climate catastrophe 

By APR editor –  August 14, 2024 0 7 

Environmental destruction is not an unintended side effect, but a primary objective in colonial wars of occupation.

By David Whyte and Samira Homerang Saunders

Many in the international community are finally coming to accept that the earth’s ecosystem can no longer bear the weight of military occupation.

Most have reached this inevitable conclusion, clearly articulated in the environmental movement’s latest slogan “No Climate Justice on Occupied Land”, in light of the horrors we have witnessed in Gaza since October 7.

While the correlation between military occupation and climate sustainability may be a recent discovery for those living their lives in relative peace and security, people living under occupation, and thus constant threat of military violence, have always known any guided missile strike or aerial bombardment campaign by an occupying military is not only an attack on those being targeted but also their land’s ability to sustain life.

A recent hearing on “State and Environmental Violence in West Papua” under the jurisdiction of the Rome-based Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT), for example, heard that Indonesia’s military occupation, spanning more than seven decades, has facilitated a “slow genocide” of the Papuan people through not only political repression and violence, but also the gradual decimation of the forest area — one of the largest and most biodiverse on the planet — that sustains them.

West Papua hosts one of the largest copper and gold mines in the world, is the site of a major BP liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility, and is the fastest-expanding area of palm oil and biofuel plantation in Indonesia.

All of these industries leave ecological dead zones in their wake, and every single one of them is secured by military occupation.

At the PPT hearing, prominent Papuan lawyer Yan Christian Warinussy spoke of the connection between human suffering in West Papua and the exploitation of the region’s natural resources.

Shot and wounded
Just one week later, he was shot and wounded by an unknown assailant. The PPT Secretariat noted that the attack came after the lawyer depicted “the past and current violence committed against the defenceless civil population and the environment in the region”.

What happened to Warinussy reinforced yet again the indivisibility of military occupation and environmental violence.

In total, militaries around the world account for almost 5.5 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions annually — more than the aviation and shipping industries combined.

Our colleagues at Queen Mary University of London recently concluded that emissions from the first 120 days of this latest round of slaughter in Gaza alone were greater than the annual emissions of 26 individual countries; emissions from rebuilding Gaza will be higher than the annual emissions of more than 135 countries, equating them to those of Sweden and Portugal.

But even these shocking statistics fail to shed sufficient light on the deep connection between military violence and environmental violence. War and occupation’s impact on the climate is not merely a side effect or unfortunate consequence.

We must not reduce our analysis of what is going on in Gaza, for example, to a dualism of consequences: the killing of people on one side and the effect on “the environment” on the other.

Inseparable from impact on nature
In reality, the impact on the people is inseparable from the impact on nature. The genocide in Gaza is also an ecocide — as is almost always the case with military campaigns.

In the Vietnam War, the use of toxic chemicals, including Agent Orange, was part of a deliberate strategy to eliminate any capacity for agricultural production, and thus force the people off their land and into “strategic hamlets”.

Forests, used by the Vietcong as cover, were also cut by the US military to reduce the population’s capacity for resistance. The anti-war activist and international lawyer Richard Falk coined the phrase “ecocide” to describe this.

In different ways, this is what all military operations do: they tactically reduce or completely eliminate the capacity of the “enemy” population to live sustainably and to retain autonomy over its own water and food supplies.

Since 2014, the bulldozing of Palestinian homes and other essential infrastructure by the Israeli occupation forces has been complemented by chemical warfare, with herbicides aerially sprayed by the Israeli military destroying entire swaths of arable land in Gaza.

In other words, Gaza has been subjected to an “ecocide” strategy almost identical to the one used in Vietnam since long before October 7.

The occupying military force has been working to reduce, and eventually completely eliminate, the Palestinian population’s capacity to live sustainably in Gaza for many years. Since October 7, it has been waging a war to make Gaza completely unliveable.

50% of Gaza farms wiped out
As researchers at Forensic Architecture have concluded, at least 50 percent of farmland and orchards in Gaza are now completely wiped out. Many ancient olive groves have also been destroyed. Fields of crops have been uprooted using tanks, tractors and other vehicles.

Widespread aerial bombardment reduced the Gaza Strip’s greenhouse production facilities to rubble. All this was done not by mistake, but in a deliberate effort to leave the land unable to sustain life.

The wholesale destruction of the water supply and sanitation facilities and the ongoing threat of starvation across the Gaza Strip are also not unwanted consequences, but deliberate tactics of war. The Israeli military has weaponised food and water access in its unrelenting assault on the population of Gaza.

Of course, none of this is new to Palestinians there, or indeed in the West Bank. Israel has been using these same tactics to sustain its occupation, pressure Palestinians into leaving their lands, and expand its illegal settlement enterprise for many years.

Since October 7, it has merely intensified its efforts. It is now working with unprecedented urgency to eradicate the little capacity the occupied Palestinian territory has left in it to sustain Palestinian life.

Just as is the case with the occupation of Papua, environmental destruction is not an unintended side effect but a primary objective of the Israeli occupation of Palestine. The immediate damage military occupation inflicts on the affected population is never separate from the long-term damage it inflicts on the planet.

For this reason, it would be a mistake to try and separate the genocide from the ecocide in Gaza, or anywhere else for that matter.

Anyone interested in putting an end to human suffering now, and preventing climate catastrophe in the future, should oppose all wars of occupation, and all forms of militarism that help fuel them.

David Whyte is professor of climate justice at Queen Mary University of London and director of the Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice. Samira Homerang Saunders is research officer at the Centre for Climate Crime and Climate Justice, Queen Mary University.

INDONESIA: Torture is still big homework for Indonesia

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) supports Indonesian civil society organisations to promote the eradication of torture. The organisations consist of the Sekretariat RFP (Aliansi Masyarakat Sipil untuk Reformasi Kepolisian), the LBH Masyarakat (LBHM), the Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Indonesia (YLBHI) and the Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasan (KontraS).

June 26 is an important moment for the international community to commemorate the United Nations International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. This warning began with the formation of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture [CAT]) which came into force on 26 June 1987 for all Member Countries. The enactment of the CAT is the main instrument in the struggle to prevent the practice of torture and to respect human dignity.

Indonesia is one of the Member States that has ratified the CAT through Law Number 5 of 1998, exactly 25 years ago on 28 September 1998. However, the practice of torture and cruel punishments still occurs in the law enforcement cycle in Indonesia. Based on the findings of the YLBHI and LBH Jakarta, from 2013-2022, there were at least 58 victims of torture by members of the Police, 25 of whom were victims of wrongful arrest or wrongful conviction and six who were children. From these findings, all the actors or perpetrators were members of the Police. In 2022-2023, the YLBHI and LBH recorded 46 cases of torture with a total of 294 victims. Meanwhile, during 2020-2023, there were 24 victims of extrajudicial killings in detention handled by the legal aid offices. These extrajudicial killings all occurred by means of torture, most of which were carried out by members of the Police. 

Apart from that, from the documentation carried out by the LBHM in three Detention Centres (Rutan) in the DKI Jakarta area in the January-May 2024 period, there were 35 (three women and 32 men) out of a total of 204 detainees who admitted to being tortured. As many as 15 of the 35 detainees who admitted to having experienced torture were suspected of being involved in narcotics cases, and the remaining 20 were suspected of committing general crimes (as regulated in the Criminal Code). The torture cases occurred during the Police investigation stage. This data is a small part of the darkness of the criminal justice system, especially at the Police level, which has minimal supervision and intervention from the civil society.

Meanwhile, the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) throughout the June 2023 – May 2024 period also documented 60 cases of torture and cruel punishment related practices spread across Indonesia. During this period, KontraS again noted that the Police was an institution that was consistently the dominant actor in various cases of torture which occurred with 40 cases, followed by the Indonesian National Army (Army, Navy and Air Force) with 14 events; and the Warden or Correctional Institution Officer with six cases. The increasing number of torture cases based on KontraS monitoring data from the previous year (2023) shows that the culture of violence in various State institutions is still a problem that must be resolved thoroughly. This ongoing practice is caused by the absence of an adequate legal system and legal culture to prevent and eliminate all forms of torture related practices.

The Government’s steps in ratifying the CAT were not accompanied by the establishment of more rigid regulations at the national level. In fact, to date, Indonesia has not yet ratified the Optional Protocol to the CAT which actually shows the Government’s compromised attitude and disregard for the act of torture itself. 

On the other hand, it took more than 20 years to accommodate acts of torture as a criminal offense in Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Criminal Code (New Criminal Code). 

Articles 529 and 530 actually contain elements of acts of torture that are almost similar to the CAT. However, the threat of punishment given to officials who commit acts of torture is not rational enough. Article 529 carries a maximum prison sentence of four years, while Article 530 is a maximum of seven years. This is very different when compared to criminal acts of abuse – where acts are carried out by ordinary civilians – with variations in prison sentences from six months to 15 years, and can even be made worse by qualifying certain actions (Articles 466 to 471 of the New Criminal Code). 

Apart from that, there are also many other power related practices that are equivalent to torture but may be excluded from these torture related Articles. One example is the death penalty which is part of a type of punishment that degrades human dignity. Based on data from the Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (ICJR), as of 19 October 2023, there were at least 509 people on death row in Indonesia. The majority of the cases on death row were for narcotics, namely 351 people (69%). Apart from being a type of punishment that demeans human dignity, the waiting line phenomenon is also a form of torture that causes great psychological suffering because they continue to live in endless terror over the threat of death which could occur at any time.

Regulations in Indonesia still have a number of problems in the formal or procedural legal aspects of the criminal justice system, especially at the Police level. The freedom to carry out detention for 60 days opens up room for torture. A new torture test mechanism can be proposed after coercive measures are taken when someone has the status of a suspect or defendant. As the starting point for the operation of the criminal justice system, the Police actually has enormous authority without optimal supervision. Internal and external monitoring institutions (Propam and the National Police Commission [Kompolnas]) often become tools of impunity for perpetrators of precision related jargon. 

This condition is exacerbated by the discourse to revise Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the Police of the Republic of Indonesia (RUU Polri), the substance of which actually expands the authority of the Police in invading human rights without clear control and supervision. Torture and cruel punishment should not be underestimated. The Government needs to take serious steps to prevent repeated acts of torture and create a law enforcement climate that relies on human rights based principles.

Based on the above, we encourage the Government and the law enforcement officials to:

  1. The Government and the House of Representative (DPR RI) must immediately ratify the Optional Protocol to the CAT;
  2. The Government and the DPR RI must immediately revise or amend the Criminal Procedure Code, specifically regarding control and testing mechanisms for the authority of law enforcement officials, as well as for the reparation for victims of acts of torture;
  3. The Government and the DPR RI must immediately stop discussing the National Police Bill which threatens democracy and human rights. The revision of the Police Law of the Republic of Indonesia should be carried out comprehensively, not carried out behind closed doors and ignoring the meaningful participation of citizens. The Bill needs to be directed at institutional and system reform that ensures that the National Police becomes a professional, transparent and accountable institution through a humanist approach, rather than strengthening the character of militarism with large powers of repression but without supervision;
  4. In order to effectively prevent the practice of torture, institutions that are the dominant perpetrators, such as the National Police, the National Military (TNI), correctional institutions and prison guards, must improve and develop preventive and anticipatory steps in order to reduce the number of torture cases in their respective institutions. These various institutions can build intensive collaboration with various external supervisory institutions to encourage public accountability;
  5. There must be an improvement in the supervision and law enforcement system that is impartial, transparent and fair to perpetrators of torture, whether in the National Police, the TNI, correctional institutions or other institutions so that there is no impunity for the perpetrators and the practice of torture does not continue to be repeated.

# # #

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) works towards the radical rethinking and fundamental redesigning of justice institutions in order to protect and promote human rights in Asia. Established in 1984, the Hong Kong based organisation is a Laureate of the Right Livelihood Award, 2014. 

Read this Statement online

AWPA condemns latest military operation in West Papua. Over 5000 villagers flee

AWPA condemns the latest Indonesian security force operation in in the Bibida District, Paniai Regency which has resulted in more than 5,000 people  from 15 villages in Bibida and Paniai  fleeing their villages.

Joe Collins of AWPA said, “this number is added to the already large number of IDPs in the highlands who have fled their villages in the past few years because of the ongoing conflict ” .

Human Rights Monitor (HRM) in its June update reported that there are “over 76,919 people in West Papua, mainly  indigenous Papuans, who remain internally displaced due to the armed conflict in the region.   https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/idp-update-june-2024-urgent-call-for-humanitarian-access-to-conflict-areas/

Suara Papua media  reported (15 June) that Kugapa and Ugidimi villages in Bibida district, Paniai regency were  reported to be empty  since Friday afternoon (14/6/2024) as residents had fled to other places that are considered safe. https://suarapapua.com/2024/06/15/warga-bibida-mengungsi-ke-pastoran-madi-pemuda-katolik-desak-penanganan-cepat/#google_vignette

According to a HRM report only elderly people who could no longer walk and sick people remained in the villages. 

 A number of villagers fled in fear  to  the Madi Holy Cross Parish Church because the security forces were pursuing  a TPNPB OPM group after  a taxi driver was killed by the TPNPB according to the military on the Enarotali-Bibida road, in Kopo village.  

HRM report from   information received from local sources, that the “security forces entered the Bibida District with ten trucks around 8.00 am and began searching houses. The operation was accompanied by four helicopters circulating over Bibida. One of them reportedly released multiple shootings during the raid causing thousands of people from the villages Bibida, Dama-Dama, Kolaitaka, Kugaisiga, Odiyai, Tuwakotu, and Ugidimi to flee their homes. In the Paniai Timur Districts, people from the villages Amougi, Timida, Kopo, Wouye Butu, Uwibutu, Madi, Ipakiye, and Pugotadi (see table below). https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/security-force-operation-in-districts-bibida-and-paniai-timur-more-than-5000-indigenous-moni-and-me-people-flee-their-homes/

Joe Collins said, “it’s a pity that the only mainstream media reports on the Indonesian security force operations are those in the Indonesian media with the usual statements from military spokespersons such as 

“The TNI personnel continue to restore security, law and order in Bibida following their success in reclaiming the sub-district area from the Undius Kogoya-led insurgents on Friday, June 14”,

“The success of TNI soldiers in shooting two OPM people has reduced the strength of the OPM, which, of course, has a positive impact on maintaining security and stability for the smooth process of accelerating development in Papua,” Lt. Gen. Richard Tampubolon remarked.

And in an  Antara News report,  Armed Papuan rebels use civilians as human shields: TNI officer. https://en.antaranews.com/news/316266/armed-papuan-rebels-use-civilians-as-human-shields-tni-officer

Collins said “statements so similar to military statements in other conflicts  that there must be a conflict 101 lesson for military spokespersons”.

Local organisations such as the Catholic Youth have asked for the important role of the Paniai district government to quickly resolve the situation in Bibida so that a peaceful atmosphere can be restored, so that residents can return to their hometowns.

Hopefully, the Australian Government will also urge the Indonesian Government to stop using a military approach to every incident in Papua as all it does is increase  the loss of life and create even more internal refugees”.

Ends.

Photos below from Suara Papua report

Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West PapuaIn the restive eastern province, Cold War realpolitik continues to reverberate.








By David Hutt
April 26, 2024

ASEAN BEAT | SECURITY | SOUTHEAST ASIA
Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West Papua
In the restive eastern province, Cold War realpolitik continues to reverberate.

David Hutt
By David Hutt
April 26, 2024
Indonesian Imperialism Is Alive – And Brutal – in West Papua
Supporters of the independence of the West Papua shout slogans during a rally
commemorating the 59th anniversary of the failed efforts by Papuan tribal
chiefs to declare independence from Dutch colonial rule in 1961, in Jakarta,
Indonesia, Tuesday, Dec. 1, 2020.

Credit: AP Photo/Achmad Ibrahim
Last month, videos emerged of 13 soldiers from an elite Indonesian battalion in
West Java torturing a Papuan man, Definus Kogoya. According to Human Rights
Watch, Kogoya “had his hands tied behind him and been placed inside a drum
filled with water. The soldiers taunted Kogoya with racist slurs, kicking and
hitting him. In another video, a man used a bayonet to cut his back. The water
turned red.” The military, while apologizing for the incident, insisted that
Kogoya was a member of the West Papua National Liberation Army and that he and
two comrades – one of whom “died when he jumped from a military vehicle after
arrest” – had burned down a clinic. Later, the police released the two alive
men without charge.

At least 10 Papuan teenagers were killed by Indonesia’s military last September
alone, while the implications of the 2019 Papuan uprising, the largest
pro-independence mobilization in decades, are still being felt. Douglas Gerrard
produced an excellent article on the conflict (“Indonesia Is Stepping Up Its
Repression of West Papua’s Freedom Movement”) last year.

When the rest of Indonesia won independence in the 1950s, West Papua remained
part of Dutch New Guinea. Jakarta wanted the entire territory. Sukarno’s first
foreign minister demanded that Jakarta and its forces “get them down from the
trees,” a racist notion of West Papuans that aped the racism of the European
colonizers and which continues today. In the 1950s, Indonesian troops led some
incursions into the Dutch colonial holdout but they were rebuffed, in part
because Washington was unsure of which side to take, not least because Sukarno
was still flirting with the communists.

But by the end of the 1950s, as the Cold War became more intense and Indonesia
was seen as a country that had to become an ally, by hook or crook, the
Americans made it known to the Dutch that they could no longer count on U.S.
support for the status quo. Knowing that its empire would soon end and motivated
to maintain some influence in Southeast Asia once it did, the Dutch cautiously
favored independence for the West Papuans and supported the formation in 1961
of the New Guinea Council, which drafted a manifesto for Independence and
Self-Government and declared the territory Papua Barat – “West Papua.”

Still, Washington wouldn’t support the effort. Instead, it orchestrated talks
that led to the August 1962 New York Agreement. Jakarta gained control of West
Papua (renamed West Irian), and after a brief transitional period overseen by
the U.N., things were supposed to climax in (and Indonesia was obligated to
hold) a referendum on self-determination.

Starting in July 1969, U.N. officials oversaw the so-called “Act of Free
Choice,” an Orwellian term if there ever was one. The U.N. claimed it would be
a fair election conducted under international scrutiny and by international
norms. And all adults from West Papua were supposed to have a vote, per the
U.N.’s rules. However, that wasn’t the case. Jakarta upped its attacks on West
Papuan separatists, especially after Suharto became dictator in 1965. Having
already decimated much of the separatist movement, Jakarta then handpicked
1,022 West Papuans to vote on behalf of the region’s 800,000 people in the
plebiscite, despite committing to a universal ballot. Naturally, they voted
unanimously in favor of integration with Indonesia.

In July 2004, on the 35th anniversary of this Act of Free Choice, the U.S.
National Security Archive released declassified documents on U.S. policy
deliberations, which I quote liberally from below. The violation of the Act of
Free Choice was obvious long before the 1,000 or so Jakarta patsies were led
forcibly into the polling booths. In 1968, U.S. embassy officials visiting the
region noted that “Indonesia could not win an open election.”  The U.S.
ambassador, Marshall Green, fretted at the time that U.N. officials might “hold
out for free and direct elections,” while Green stressed that all U.S. and
Western officials should make known to their U.N. counterparts the “political
realities,” meaning that Washington needed the vote to go Jakarta’s way because
it was a committed anti-communist ally at the time.

By October 1968, months before the election, the U.S. Embassy wrote back to
Washington in relief that U.N. officials had conceded “that it would be
inconceivable from the point of view of the interest of the U.N., as well as
the [Government of Indonesia], that a result other than the continuance of West
Irian within Indonesian sovereignty should emerge.” Even still, Green’s
successor as U.S. ambassador, Frank Galbraith, noted in 1969, the year of the
“referendum,” that “possibly 85 to 90%” of the West Papuan population “are in
sympathy with the Free Papua cause.”

Nonetheless, Nixon and Kissinger visited Jakarta in July 1969 while the
referendum was underway. Kissinger instructed his boss, “You should not raise
this issue” of West Papua, and advised that “we should avoid any U.S.
identification with” the matter of independence or integration. This was from a
man who described Suharto as a “moderate military man … committed to progress
and reform.” (Or was that said by U.S. officials of Prabowo today?) In any
case, Indonesia’s control over the region was accepted by the international
community, West Papua became a formal part of Indonesia, and six years later
Kissinger masterminded, shadowing another U.S. president, America’s support for
Indonesia’s colonization and occupation of Timor-Leste.

Why do I write all this? For starters, it’s a story often forgotten. How many
people have heard of West Irian or West Papua or know that there remains a
separatist movement? And there remains the notion that Indonesian imperialism
ended in the 1990s with the death of the Suharto regime. That’s true for Timor-Leste,
though Indonesians traipsed off only through pools of blood. Indonesia’s
imperialism is also back in the news as Prabowo Subianto, the incoming
Indonesian president, is accused of war crimes during his time in occupied
Timor-Leste as head of the Kopassus special forces. As I argued some months
ago, it’s not always healthy to pick at history’s healing wounds, and
Indonesia’s relations with Timor-Leste, despite its barbaric past, had been
healing for several years. But it’s quite another thing for the majority of
Indonesians to elect an alleged war criminal, which must surely re-open those
wounds.

But, also, this history serves as a reminder that American foreign policy is at
its most heinous and brutally hypocritical when it wants to appease dictators
and tyrants for a greater cause. A few months ago, after the death of Henry
Kissinger, I was asked by a newspaper to write an obituary. A family emergency
meant I hadn’t the time. But, for research and pleasure, which aren’t mutually
exclusive, I did re-read a number of biographies, including Niall Ferguson’s
sonorous first volume “Kissinger: 1923-1968: The Idealist,” and its polar
opposite, Christopher Hitchens’ “The Trial of Henry Kissinger,” a short
pamphlet that dedicates a chapter to how Washington (and Kissinger) sold out
East Timorese independence and permitted an Indonesian invasion in order to
appease Suharto and to keep stoking anti-communism in Southeast Asia. Hitchens
had no space, though, for West Papua. Yet he did write: “Those who willed the
means and wished the ends are not absolved from guilt by the refusal of reality
to match their schemes.”

Realpolitik didn’t die with Kissinger last November. It is found – although not
to the same extremity as in the 1960s and 1970s – in U.S. policy in Southeast
Asia today. It’s quite obvious that Washington doesn’t just tolerate but
provokes the worst excesses of the Communist Party of Vietnam because of
China’s hostilities with Hanoi. Equally, Washington is now seeking to make
friends with Phnom Penh because it has realized that it cannot condemn
Cambodian authoritarianism at the same time as deterring Cambodia’s friendship
with Beijing, so support for Cambodian democracy has been ditched. Elsewhere,
all effort is now on rivaling China. Liberation and liberty, not least in
Myanmar, are the casualties.

Contributing Author

David Hutt is a journalist and commentator. He is a research fellow at the
Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS), and a columnist at The
Diplomat and Radio Free Asia.

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