On Friday June 7, 2024, several hundred people demonstrated in front of the French Embassy in Vanuatu regarding the situation in New Caledonia. France understands and respects the legitimate concerns of the people of Vanuatu regarding the situation in New Caledonia. In this article, I would like to respond to the demands expressed in the petition that the president of the Malvatumauri, who led the march, submitted to us on June 7.

Firstly, decolonisation cannot be reduced to independence. As the relevant resolutions of the United Nations Organisation (UN) (res. 1541 and 2625) remind us, decolonisation is first and foremost self-determination: it means letting the people choose what they prefer, and this can be the creation of an independent state, integration with an independent state, free association or any other formula chosen by the people. They alone must decide what they wish to do with their future.

And this is precisely what the French State has been accompanying in New Caledonia for the past 36 years: securing a process of self-determination, the organisation and the conduct of which have been commended by the United Nations Decolonisation Committee called C24, and two auditing reports.

In 1998, the Nouméa Accord – negotiated between pro and anti-independence parties – provided for a high degree of autonomy for New Caledonia, with gradual and irreversible transfers of powers to establish shared sovereignty. The Accord was adopted by popular consultation in New Caledonia with 72 % of positive votes. As provided for by the Accord, the State organised up to three self-determination referendums, if the previous ones had not resulted in a pro-independence vote.

The process provided voters with repeated occasions to cast their ballots, and political stakeholders to act (the local Congress was the one responsible to call for the organisation of the 2nd and 3rd referendums). Repeatedly, a majority of New Caledonians on a special electoral roll opposed independence: 56.67% of voters in 2018 (with a 81.01% turnout), 53.26% in 2020 (with a 85.69% turnout), and 96.50% in 2021 (with a 43.87% turnout). Votes were organised in the presence of the United Nations.

In accordance with democratic principles and the constant will of the people, who have been consulted three times since 2018, and who have therefore been able to exercise their right to self-determination, New Caledonia remains part of France.

Today, as a result of the decolonisation process engaged in 1988, New-Caledonia enjoys a high degree of autonomy, with the local Government and the provinces having all powers except those of a sovereign nature (defense, security, currency, for instance) and those they have not asked to be transferred (rules governing the administration of local authorities, higher education and research, audiovisual communication).

Secondly, what can one say to those who claim that the process described above is invalid because the last referendum was partially boycotted? Boycotting the referendum was the choice of the independentist parties, but it does not invalidate the referendum.

The legitimacy of this vote has not been called into question by the UN and the independentist parties participated to the general elections organised right after.

Thirdly, what can one say to those who believe that the process described above is invalid because only the Kanaks should have taken part, as the only legitimate people? That the 1998 Nouméa Accord – which was signed by all stakeholders, including the pro-independence parties – establishes the existence of a dual legitimacy: not only that of the Kanak people as the first occupants, whose identity and cultural heritage have been recognised and promoted, but also that of other communities “who live in the territory [and] have acquired, through their participation in the building of New Caledonia, a legitimacy to live there and to continue to contribute to its development. They are essential to its social equilibrium and to the functioning of its economy and social institutions”. This is an important point: it means that, together with the Kanaks (41.2% of the population according to the 2019 census), not only Europeans (24%), but also Wallisians and Futunans (8.3%) and many other communities (Tahitians, Indonesians, Ni-Vanuatu, Vietnamese, Chinese, etc. accounting together for 8%) have made Caledonia what it is today.The Nouméa Accord also presents decolonisation as an objective consisting in founding “a new sovereignty, shared in a common destiny”. Common, that is, for all the above-mentioned populations, together.

And that’s only fair, because a New-Caledonian, who has always lived and worked there and contributed to New Caledonia’s development, is fully part of this community, no matter the origins of his or her ancestors.

Fourthly, with regard to discrimination, there are indeed discrepancies, particularly in terms of standard of living, access to employment and education. This is a statistically documented fact, and the State has long been taking steps to correct it, notably through the redistribution of tax revenues between provinces; executive training (for which the state has provided 90% of the 6 million euros in annual funding since 1998); a mining and metallurgy policy (contrary to popular belief, the French state has no jurisdiction over the extraction, processing or export of nickel; these powers have all been transferred to local authorities; but it is the State that is absorbing the losses of the New Caledonian mining industry: since 2016, it has paid out more than 700 million euros in aid to the nickel industry); financial aid for business start-ups; a land policy that has considerably increased the surface area of Kanak land; and the defense and promotion of Kanak culture, as demonstrated by the use of local Kanak languages in the education system or the creation of the Tjibaou Cultural Center, which today remains the territory’s leading cultural institution.

These measures have produced results – the GDP/capita gap has narrowed and a Kanak middle and higher classes have developed – but unbalances remain, as President Macron acknowledged on May 24: “rebalancing has not reduced economic and social inequalities, they have even increased”. While major progress was achieved when it comes to economic and social progress or access to public service, we need to do better. One must note, however, that this public policy issue is not unique to New Caledonia.

In any case, fires, looting, blockades and violence will not solve the problem. On the contrary, by reducing several decades of economic development to ashes, they have undermined the social and economic rebalancing efforts made in favor of the Kanak populations, and destroyed thousands of jobs.

Fifthly, the petition calls for “the immediate cessation of military operations” and “the withdrawal of troops”. I must state clearly that there are no military operations in New Caledonia: there are law enforcement operations by internal security forces (police and gendarmerie), to protect the population and public infrastructure, strictly respecting the principle of proportionate use of force. The rioters are armed and have robbed several gun shops. Their roadblocks paralysed certain neighborhoods and cut off access to the international airport.

Some inhabitants were short of food and medicines and no longer had access to medical care. More than nine hundred businesses have been destroyed or vandalised, thousands of jobs have been lost and the damages are estimated at over a billion euros. Law offenders are being dealt with by independent courts following due legal process, therefore there is no reason to call for “international independent investigations”. Had the State – whose primary responsibility is to protect the population – not rapidly deployed reinforcements, there would have been many more victims, and the socio-economic damage would have been even greater with more lasting effects.

In conclusion, we must be careful not to ethnicise the events in New Caledonia. Many articles, commentaries and fake news portraying the riots as one community against another just simplify and distort reality. Since 1988 and the first Matignon-Oudinot agreements, followed by the Nouméa agreement in 1998, a continuous dialogue has been carried out leading to the setup of new institutions, the transfer of meaningful power to local governing bodies, the acknowledgement of the Kanak identity and promotion of Kanak culture, and to policies dedicated to the social and economic rebalancing.

Our priority is now to resume dialogue as the political path remains to be invented to continue building this “common destiny” in a more inclusive and peaceful way. France will continue to work in the coming months with regional partners including Vanuatu, the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and the Pacific Islands Forum, in order to achieve this dialogue essential to the future of New Caledonia.

news@dailypost.vu

While Prime Minister (PM) Charlot Salwai is engaging with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and State Law Office on the historical demand for West Papua freedom, he said the question that needs to be clarified is that the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) is a political organisation and not a country to represent the people of West Papua.

The PM made the hint to the members of Vanuatu Free West Papua Committee (VFWPC) that met with him at his Office last week, to brief him on the West Papua issue.

He indicated that this seems to be the handicap for all member countries of MSG all voting to support ULMWP’s Application for full membership.

But he said the original stand for Vanuatu as declared by the late Prime Minister, Father Walter Lini, remains unchanged for West Papua to enjoy the same political freedom, that Vanuatu is enjoying today following its freedom which was achieved approximately 24 year ago on July 30 of 1980.

However following his presentation of the summary of the West Papua Struggle and where the VFWPC is, regarding its efforts to rally all member countries to stand for ULMWP’s Application for full membership of MSG, the Prime Minister replied that in line with the original spirit for full political freedom for West Papua, Vanuatu has its own position but that it would be the only member country to support such a stand (if it voted on it).

Vanuatu’s Special Envoy to West Papua, Mr. Morris Kaloran said ULMWP recognises PM Salwai for his outstanding contribution towards enabling ULMWP’s historic birth at the Malvatumauri National Council of Chiefs’ Nasara in Port Vila over nine years ago.

“We view your vital contribution to the birth of a West Papua boy in Port Vila going ten years ago with utmost respect,” Mr. Kaloran said.

“We made our appointment to meet you Mr. Prime Minister and you availed your valuable time to come down to our level to listen to us.

“We tried our utmost best to organise a similar meeting with your predecessor to meet with him just before the MSG Summit last year, but he was too busy to meet us.

“Now we take this opportunity to thank you for your positive response despite your busy schedule. We thank your Private Secretary, Mr. Victor Rory, for facilitating this meeting.”

The Special Envoy said the Legislative Council of ULMWP under Interim President, Mr. Benny Wenda, has set up three roadmaps for West Papua.

(a) ULMWP issue with MSG to become a full member.

(b) Importance of lobbying for Indonesia to allow the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Commissioner to visit West Papua on a fact-finding mission to West Papua.

(c) For the issue of West Papua to reach the UN General Assembly to enable a Resolution to be carried on it and finally

(d) For the Vanuatu Government to furnish the Office of West Papua in Port Vila. Basically the office lacks relevant furniture and equipment to operate as an international office.

While PM Salwai “is holding the MSG spear still” until it is handed over to the Fiji PM, Mr. Sitiveni Rabuka, to host the next MSG Summit, the Special Envoy appealed to the PM to consider supporting ULMWP’s Application to become a full member of MSG or to support the call to suspend or cancel Indonesia’s Associate Membership of MSG.

In addition, the Special Envoy briefed PM Salwai on Mr. Wenda’s lobbying internationally with the West Papua International Committee in England and an increasing number of countries in Europe on reports of continuing alleged human rights abuse on the population of West Papua, and to support ULMWP’s call for the freedom of West Papua.

“It is most unfortunate that for the last 60 years or so, the Dutch who were the former colonisers of West Papua, had been silent on the issues of the Melanesian country,” Mr. Kaloran said.

“However it looks as if the Dutch parliament is opening up and International Parliamentarian for West Papua and ULMWP President, Mr. Wenda, have had the opportunity to meet with a (Dutch) body called Foreign Affairs Parliamentary Committee.

“Finally Mr. Prime Minister, ULMWP is a child of Vanuatu born at the Malvatumauri National Council of Chiefs in Port Vila in 2014.

“At the time when Mr. Joe Natuman was Prime Minister, he spent approximately Vt15 million to fund the arrival and formation of the ULMWP represented by different warring factions from within West Papua, on behalf of our Malvatumauri National Council of chiefs.

“ULMWP was born and Vanuatu achieved a historic milestone no one had believed possible because the warring factions ceased their differences and became united under the ULMWP umbrella.”

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By Doddy Morris 

The Vanuatu Daily Post Newspaper has criticised Indonesia for its contradictory stance on human rights issues, particularly supporting human rights activities in Gaza while overlooking the controversial ongoing situation in West Papua.

Indonesia had often condemned the violence and called for a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Indonesian Government has also provided humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza.

During an exclusive interview by the Vanuatu Daily Post News Coordinator, Mavuku Tokona, with a delegation from the Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in Canberra, led by the Ambassador of Indonesia to Vanuatu, Dr Siswo Pramono, the Vanuatu Daily Post labelled Indonesia’s stand as hypocritical.

The Indonesian government’s response to these accusations sparked further discussion about the complication of international relations and human rights advocacy and their issue with West Papua, saying West Papua has never been colonised.

But Ambassador Pramono said labelling them hypocrites is not useful, as he outlines details on both sides of their conflict with West Papua.

“You called me a hypocrite, but I called you misinformed. It’s not useful to accuse somebody like that; we have a report from the University of Gadjah Mada that mentions every detail of casualties on both sides of the conflict,” he said.

“Data is very important because I don’t want to speculate on things. It’s a 2022 study by the University of Gadjah Mada revealing that the majority of the violence in Papua was carried out by criminal armed groups between 2010 and 2022.”

According to Dr Pramono, during a 12-year span from 2010 to 2022, 127 civilians, 61 military personnel, and 27 police of Indonesia were allegedly killed by the West Papua criminal armed group, and 104 civilians, 80 military personnel, and 46 police have been injured. On the other hand, 43 criminal armed group members from West Papua were killed, and 14 were injured.

He said the criminal armed group also committed violence against the local population, construction workers building bridges in Papua, and foreigners, such as the kidnapping of a pilot, (Philip Mehrtens).

Mr. Mehrtens, a Susi Air pilot, was abducted by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) in February 2023 after landing in the remote region of Nduga. The rebel group has vowed not to release the pilot until Indonesia grants independence to its Papua provinces.

Ambassador Pramono added that according to the University of Gadjah Mada report, six schools, two elementary schools, and two high schools have also been destroyed by the rebels, along with their local district registry office and 33 civilian houses and teachers’ compound.

“This is all on record. So you cannot simply say there is no violence because there is violence, and the armed group is very active. You cannot imagine sending a journalist to a region like that,” said Dr Pramono.

“In any conflict region, normally the authority is going to impose some limitations, not only in Indonesia but everywhere, so the human rights situation — this is the reality. However, we rebuild what has been destroyed, and we replace the teachers who have been displaced or killed with new ones.”

The Vanuatu Daily Post also asked other related questions about the issue of West Papua, to which the Indonesian delegation led by Ambassador Pramonoresponded. These questions and responses are shared with our readers here:

Vanuatu has been very vocal about the West Papua conflict. What impact, if any, does this have on trade relations between Port Vila and Jakarta?

The trade relationship is good. Numbers speak for themselves, and you can verify them on the Internet. I won’t deceive you. Over the last two years, trade between Vanuatu and Indonesia has increased from U.S. 5.7 million dollars in 2022 to 8.7 million U.S. dollars in 2023.

So, in terms of trade, things are improving between the two countries. This is democracy. We respect your opinions, and you should respect ours. However, the reality is that business is thriving between our nations.

Due to Indonesia’s presence in West Papua, European countries have imposed bans on Indonesian products. Since Vanuatu has not followed suit, does this imply that Port Vila cannot afford to lose Jakarta as a trade partner?

I haven’t heard about European countries imposing a ban because of the Papuan issue. You should provide evidence for such claims. As far as I know, there is no ban on Indonesian products due to West Papua, perhaps on palm oil, but that’s unrelated to West Papua.

In fact, European countries are increasingly investing in Papua. Petroleum is a major industry with substantial European investment, and foreign investment in Papua is rising by 30%, including from Australia.

Why is Indonesia offering aid to Vanuatu, and why?

There are several reasons. Firstly, we aim for a more stable region because we are part of the Pacific. Stability in the region is crucial, which is why we engage not only with Vanuatu but also with the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) as a whole and other Pacific nations.

Secondly, we believe in globalisation. It’s apparent that no one is isolated anymore; everyone is connected. If there’s an economic crisis in one place, it will affect other areas. Therefore, ensuring economic stability in the Pacific is vital. We refer to this as Pacific elevation – enhancing stability and economic well-being in the region.

In terms of development cooperation, we extend support to the Pacific. Firstly, to the MSG, and secondly, to independent countries like Vanuatu.

We offer a grant of 13 million U.S. dollars to the MSG and also provide voluntary contributions totalling about 100,000 U.S. dollars, all in aid of regional stability.

Indonesia also makes an annual contribution to the MSG, approximately 217,000 U.S. dollars since becoming associate members. Additionally, we’ve supplied two operational vehicles, both manufactured in Indonesia and known as Indonesian Toyotas, contributing to our positive relations with the MSG.

Moreover, we’ve provided humanitarian assistance amounting to 20,800 U.S. dollars and invested about two million U.S. dollars in renovating the VIP lounge at the Port Vila International Airport.

Does Indonesia support West Papua’s efforts to become a full member of the MSG?

When discussing West Papua and other Melanesian provinces in Indonesia, it’s important to distinguish between West Papua and the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). If we’re talking about West Papua and other Melanesian provinces within Indonesia, we’re already members of the MSG. West Papua and Maluku are among the nine Indonesian provinces home to around 13 million Melanesians, making them already part of the MSG.

Vanuatu believes Indonesia was responsible for the massive cyber-attack that crippled the government’s Internet for four months in 2022 and caused significant disruption. Was Indonesia responsible for this?

No, Indonesia is not responsible for that. In fact, both Indonesia and Vanuatu have suffered greatly from cyber-attacks. In 2023 alone, Indonesia faced 361,000,000 cyber-attacks, severely impacting our economy.

One of the founding fathers of Vanuatu’s Independence, Father Walter Lini, made a statement that resonates through every generation, suggesting that if one Melanesian country is not free from another, then none of us are truly free. This statement is often related to West Papua and Indonesia, particularly concerning the efforts of ULMWP. What are your thoughts on this comment?

Given our commitment to decolonisation, it’s important to note that West Papua has never been on the United Nations (UN) Special Committee on Decolonisation (C-24), which means West Papua is not colonised.

While Fr. Walter Lini’s sentiment may hold merit, it’s essential to understand that his comment does not apply to Papua, as it has been part of Indonesia’s decolonisation process. Papua’s integration into Indonesia was in accordance with international law at the time.

Considering that we were all once colonised by the Dutch, from Aceh to Papua, we inherited the colonial legacy upon gaining independence, adhering to the principle of ‘uti possidetis juris’ (as you possess under law).

This principle is observed in various regions worldwide, including Africa and Latin America. Hence, when discussing West Papua in the context of Walter Lini’s vision, it’s important to recognise this historical context.

While Indonesia may not be directly involved in this issue, we believe in supporting any Pacific country or region that requires decolonisation, particularly those within the C-24 framework of the UN system.

As members of the UN Charter, both Indonesia and Vanuatu are committed to upholding the principles of a rule-based order.

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Prime Minister (PM) Charlot Salwai held discussions with Head of State Nikenike Vurobaravu yesterday, following the Council of Ministers’ (COM) decision to recommend the dissolution of the parliament.

The COM, during its meeting yesterday morning, advised President Vurobaravu to dissolve the parliament on Monday, November 13, 2023, citing various reasons.

Principal Private Secretary to the Head of State,Clarence Marae, conveyed that President Vurobaravu will carefully assess the request throughout the weekend and is expected to make a decision on the matter next week.

One major concern raised by the COM is the frequent changes in leadership, with Vanuatu having its fourth Prime Minister within a year. The COM highlighted the recent terms of Ishmael Kalsakau, Sato Kilman, and Charlot Salwai, emphasising the current Motion of No Confidence faced by Salwai.

The COM cited the instability caused by Members of Parliament (MPs) consistently moving between governments. Allegedly, these MPs have approached PM Salwai expressing their desire to switch sides again, raising concerns about the government’s stability.

The COM further argued that ongoing investigations, court cases, and Commission of Inquiries (COIs) into misappropriations and corruption implicated a majority of MPs in the Opposition, raising concerns about potential consequences if they return to power.

The COM also noted the potential decrease in the number of Opposition MPs, making stability uncertain. They suggested that the country might face by-elections in various constituencies due to ongoing legal processes, making a general snap election a wise choice.

Economically, the COM noted the challenges faced by Vanuatu, including the aftermath of recent cyclones and a forecasted slowdown in economic growth.

They asserted that the dissolution of parliament would provide an opportunity for the country to focus on recovery efforts.

The COM concluded that the majority of the public is supportive of the decision to dissolve parliament, emphasising the need for stability. Despite the current State of Emergency (SoE), the Office of the Attorney General (AG) Kiel Loughman advised that the President, on the COM’s advice, has the authority to dissolve parliament under specific constitutional provisions.

AG Loughman said the President may on advice of the COM, exercise his power under subarticle 28(3) to dissolve, as subarticle 70(5) does not apply because the current SoE was declared under the Disaster Risk Management Act No. of 23 of 2019.

Subarticle 28(3) of the Constitution provides: “The President of the Republic may, on the advice of the Council of Ministers, dissolve Parliament.” While subarticle 70(5) states, “Parliament may not be dissolved under Article 28(2) or 28(3) during a state of emergency. If the life of a Parliament ends in accordance with Article 28(1) during a state of emergency, the former members of that Parliament may meet for the purpose only of considering the state of emergency until the new Parliament first meets. “

The 12th legislature was dissolved on August 18, 2022 following a similar political scenario.

This development comes just days before the parliament was scheduled to convene and debate a Motion of No Confidence in PM Salwai.

glenda@dailypost.vu

10:14 am on 8 November 2023   

 Kelvin Anthony, RNZ Pacific Lead Digital and Social Media Journalist @kelvinfiji kelvin.anthony@rnz.co.nz 

The Melanesian Spearhead Group has appointed Fiji and Papua New Guinea prime ministers Sitiveni Rabuka and James Marape as special envoys to Indonesia to “address the West Papua issue”, a move that has been welcomed by the Pacific Conference of Churches.

The sub-regional group met for its caucus meeting on Monday (Cook Islands time) ahead of the official opening of the 52nd Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting in Rarotonga, during which Rabuka proposed sending a representative to Indonesia to facilitate dialogue on the West Papua situation.

Rabuka and Marape’s mandate will be to meet with Indonesian President Joko Widodo to discuss the pressing issue of West Papua.

The MSG caucus reached a consensus that sending a ministerial envoy, as opposed to a bureaucratic-level envoy, would be the most effective approach to addressing the West Papua issue.

“Earlier today, the Melanesian Spearhead Group Caucus appointed me as a Special Envoy to address the West Papua issue,” Rabuka posted on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter).

“Alongside Prime Minister James Marape of Papua New Guinea (PNG), we’ve been tasked with meeting the President of Indonesia to discuss this pressing matter.”

In August, the MSG leaders failed to reach a consensus in Port Vila to accept the United Liberation Movement for West Papua’s (ULMWP) bid to become a full member of the sub-regional grouping, defering the issue to the Forum Leaders Meeting.

Vanuatu Climate Change Minister Ralph Regenvanu said Rabuka and Marapae’s appointment was “an additional measure” on the West Papua issue.

“This is an additional measure agreed to by the MSG which supplements the existing decisions of PIF and MSG for an independent assessment by the UN Human Rights Commissioner and an MSG Leaders visit to West Papua,” Regenvanu posted on X.

Churches welcomes move

The Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) has said it “welcomes [the] Melanesian Spearhead Group move to engage further with Indonesia on the situation in West Papua and calls for an inclusive process of engagement that doesn’t leave West Papuans out of the talanoa.”

General secretary Padre James Bhagwan said the PCC “the engagement of ULMWP as MSG Observers will need to be secured by PMs for this process to have legitimacy.”

However, the PCC is also calling for an imminent persons group, including civil society to accompany the process, for transparency.

“The situation in West Papua will also be on the Agenda of the 12th [PCC] General Assembly, which begins in just over a week in Kanaky-New Caledonia,” Padre Bhagwan said on X.

The PCC General Assembly is expected to gather almost 200 delegates from 35 churches and 12 national councils of churches and regional faith organisations from over 18 Pacific Island countries and territories, making it the largest constituent assembly in the region, he added.

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https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/08/pacific-islands-forum-australia-under-pressure-to-rein-in-fossil-fuel-subsidies

3) Pacific Islands Forum: Australia under pressure to rein in fossil fuel subsidies

A fraction of $11bn federal handouts could be used to fully fund the shift to clean energy in eight island countries, report claims

Australia is facing fresh pressure to rein in fossil fuel subsidies, with new figures showing just a fraction of that spending could fully fund the shift to clean energy in eight Pacific island countries.

The climate crisis is one of the biggest issues on the agenda at the Pacific Islands Forum’s top political gathering this week, with Vanuatu demanding “radical” action to end the world’s fossil fuel addiction.

The prime minister, Anthony Albanese, arrived in the Cook Islands on Tuesday local time (Wednesday Australian time) and acknowledged the climate crisis was “certainly felt most acutely in island states”.

In a report published to coincide with the talks, campaigners highlight how Pacific island countries are on the frontline of the climate crisis despite being responsible for just 0.23% of annual global emissions.

By contrast, the world’s 15 largest-emitting nations – led by China, the US and India with Australia in 15th place – are collectively responsible for 71.88% of annual emissions.

The report was commissioned by the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative, a group that is campaigning to end new development of fossil fuels and phase out existing production.

Island countries are still heavily heavily dependent on imports of diesel fuel for use in generators, says the report titled Ki Mua: Towards a Just Transition for the Pacific.

It suggests that a mix of utility-scale and decentralised renewables, dominated by solar PV and wind installations, would provide the region with “significant opportunities”.

These gains would include reducing pollution and improving public health while ending reliance on fossil fuel imports. It suggests developed countries like Australia have a responsibility to help.

“In the past year, Australia has handed out $US7bn ($AU11 bn) to the fossil fuel industry,” said Auimatagi Joe Moeono-Kolio, an adviser to the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative.

“That’s seven times the amount of money it would take to fund a renewable energy transition for eight Pacific countries.”

The report estimates that across eight Pacific island countries analysed, the upfront cost of replacing all existing fossil fuel electricity generation “ranges from $US691m to just over $US1bn, depending on the specific technology mix”.

The fossil fuel subsidy figure is drawn from analysis by the Australia Institute thinktank, which examined all federal and state government “spending and tax breaks to assist fossil fuel industries” in 2022-23.

The single largest share is the federal government’s fuel tax credit scheme, which gives businesses a tax credit on fuel used in machinery, vehicles over 4.5 tonnes and vehicles not used on public roads.

The Australia Institue argues this tax break “works to make fossil fuel use cheaper for energy-intensive businesses, such as coal mines”. But the mining industry has repeatedly rejected the characterisation of this as a subsidy.

Moeono-Kolio said if Australia wanted to host the 2026 UN climate conference in partnership with the region, “then the first step is to start caring for Pacific peoples and stand with us instead of blocking the Pacific’s efforts as it has done for decades”.

Vanuatu’s climate minister, Ralph Regenvanu, called for a “sustained, radical” phase out of fossil fuels because the world had run out of time for “slow and steady” action.

Tuvalu’s finance and climate minister, Seve Paeniu, added: “It is high time for wealthy, fossil fuel producing countries that are largely responsible for the climate emergency to take the lead in phasing out fossil fuels, and support our countries in the shift towards renewable energy.”

Albanese met three leaders on his first day on the island of Rarotonga, including the prime minister of Tuvalu, Kausea Natano, who described himself as “the leader of a country that is going to be under the water” if current trends continued.

Albanese promised to work with Natano and argued his Labor government was elected last year “with a platform of taking action on climate change”.

Natano was later asked by reporters how he felt about Australia approving more coal and gas projects.

“Well, it’s an issue that we are working with Australia to see that we can get them to assist because fossil fuel is the main contributor to global warming,” Natano said.

By Marian Faa Broadcast

 8h ago

West Papuan leaders say they’re putting hope in two powerful Pacific prime ministers to hold dialogues with Indonesia over alleged human rights abuses in the region.

Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Papua New Guinean Prime Minister James Marape have been appointed “special envoys” to speak with Indonesia about the issue.

FEATURED:

Octovanius Mote, ULMWP vice president

Reverend James Bhagwan, Pacific Conference of Churches general secretary

Credits Marian Faa, Reporter

https://www.abc.net.au/pacific/programs/pacificbeat/west-papua-applauds-appointment-of-pacific-special-envoy/103083128

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https://www.fijitimes.com/piflm52-papua-our-kinsmen/

3)  PIFLM52 | Papua our ‘kinsmen’

ANISH CHAND9 November, 2023, 12:30 pm

The people of West Papua who are part of Indonesia are our kinsmen, says Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka.

He said his appointment as Melanesian Spearhead Group special envoy to Indonesia wasn’t to appease Fijians who were West Papua supporters.

“When the world looks at the Melanesian Spearhead Group, taking up the issue with the sovereign state of Indonesia, they would probably think we are partisan in what we are coming up with,” said Mr Rabuka.

“The people of the Papua, part of Indonesia are our kinsmen – they are Melanesians so they could consider that our concern from the MSG is partisan.

“It is more aligned to the needs and wishes of the Melanesians of Indonesia. But if you go as leaders of a sovereign state, entrusted with the role of talking to the leadership of Indonesia that takes on a different profile, different optics.”

The MSG leaders appointed Mr Rabuka and Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape as special envoys to Indonesia at their meeting in Cook Islands yesterday.

Harlyne Joku 2023.10.10 Port Moresby

Indonesia canceled a regional meeting this week on the human rights situation in its Papuan provinces on the grounds that the leaders of Melanesian nations weren’t attending it, a member of Papua New Guinea’s delegation said on Tuesday.

The canning of the meeting comes after the Papuan independence movement had its application to become a full member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group rejected in August. The U.N.-recognized organization comprises the Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji and New Caledonia’s indigenous Kanak independence movement. 

Indonesia, an associate member of the Melanesian group, has lobbied against the liberation movement’s membership aspirations for at least a decade.  

“I am disappointed that the meeting was canceled by the Indonesian government at the last moment,” Powes Parkop, the governor of Papua New Guinea’s National Capital District, told BenarNews. 

Leaders of the Melanesian Spearhead Group nations agreed at a summit in August to create “space” for dialogue with Indonesia on the human rights situation in its Papuan provinces – often known as West Papua – rather than encouraging the independence movement, which has strong grassroots support in Melanesian countries. 

Possible measures included an annual parliamentary dialogue between Indonesia and Melanesian nations. 

Poorly armed Papuan fighters – collectively known as the West Papua National Liberation Army – have battled Indonesia since the early 1960s, when it took control of the western half of New Guinea island from the Dutch.

Papuans, culturally and ethnically distinct from the rest of Indonesia, say they were denied the right to decide their own future. Indonesian control was formalized in 1969 with a U.N.-backed referendum in which little more than 1,000 Papuans were allowed to vote.

Documented and alleged killings and abuses by Indonesian military and police, from the 1960s until the present day – along with impunity and the exploitation of the region’s natural resources and widespread poverty – have fueled resentment of Indonesian rule.

The Papua New Guinea government’s invitation to Parkop to be a member of its delegation said that Indonesian President Joko Widodo had called for Melanesian leaders to “have a historical meeting with him on West Papua issues.”

He was about to leave Papua New Guinea for the meeting that was scheduled for Wednesday in Bali, alongside a summit of island and archipelagic states, when he was informed of the cancellation. 

Parkop said he spoke to Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and her explanation for the cancellation was the nonattendance of the leaders of Melanesian nations.

“I have impressed on her to allow dialogue to commence initially with those MSG leaders like myself … who have been pushing this agenda and not to wait for prime ministers,” said Parkop.  

“I am hopeful that this meeting will take place soon so we can see progress toward resolving the long standing political and human rights issue in our region.”

Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Papuan groups that peacefully advocate for independence from Indonesia suffered a setback in August when the Melanesian Spearhead Group denied the United Liberation Movement for West Papua’s application for full membership. 

The official communique from the August summit was not released publicly, but a copy seen by BenarNews said leaders could not reach a consensus on West Papuan membership, which meant it could not be approved. 

It reiterated long standing international calls for Indonesia to allow a U.N. human rights delegation to visit the Papua region.

Fiji’s Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka had earlier in the year made a public show of support for West Papua and Vanuatu is a longstanding bastion of support for the independence movement. 

But Papua New Guinea, which has a 760-kilometer (472-mile) border with Indonesia and is dwarfed in both military and economic strength by the Southeast Asian country, has made improving relations with Jakarta a foreign policy priority.    

Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare, formerly a supporter of West Papuan independence, said earlier this month that self-determination is an internal matter for Indonesia’s Papuan provinces.

“Melanesian politics are pretty fluid, a change of governments will result in a different conversation about self-determination and human rights in the region,” Hipolitus Wangee, a researcher at Australian National University, told BenarNews.

“There is another chance for the ULMWP application as long as the Indonesian government fails to address the root causes in West Papua.”

Charley Piringi contributed reporting from Honiara and Stephen Wright from Wellington.