April 16, 2024 20:20 GMT+700 Jakarta (ANTARA) – Agriculture Minister Andi Amran Sulaiman and the South Papua provincial government launched 500 thousand hectares of rice fields in the region to increase agricultural production, both regionally and nationally.
“We once launched 10 thousand hectares of rice fields and now, the production has reached six tons per hectare, so it is successful,” Sulaiman said during a working visit to Merauke district here on Tuesday.
According to him, the newly launched 500 thousand hectares of agricultural land is part of the one million hectare target. “We want to make a future granary,” he said.
During the visit, he launched new farming fields developed from untapped land in South Papua.
The activity was carried out on the first day of work after the long Eid holiday. He asked local governments and farmers to utilize the farming land.
“This existing land is ready and very good, and its potential is extraordinary,” he said.
The agriculture potential in South Papua is very large in meeting domestic needs in eastern Indonesia, he added.
Sulaiman informed that currently, almost all countries in the world are experiencing long El Nino, which has led to a decline in food production.
“Here the potential is amazing and the water is abundant. Now, we make this our strength for the harvest,” he said.
Meanwhile, Merauke district head Romanus Mbaraka said that his district is known as a facade for trade and transportation in Eastern Indonesia, the Pacific, and the Melanesian sub-region.
Merauke in South Papua alone has potential agricultural land spanning 1.2 million hectares.
“South Papua province consists of four districts, 74 districts, 13 urban villages, and 674 villages. Merauke, with a total area of 127,280.69 square kilometers (and) has a population of 243,722,” Mbaraka added.
It has been 60 years since Indonesia has refused humanitarian agencies and international media access to enter West Papua.
According to Benny Wenda, the President of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Indonesia is comparable to North Korea in terms of media access. North Korea does not allow international media visits, and the situation in West Papua is similar.
Speaking with the Vanuatu Daily Post yesterday, Mr. Wenda said organisations such as the Red Cross, International Peace Brigades, Human Rights Agencies, and even the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) have been completely banned from West Papua for 60 years.
“Indonesia claims to be a democratic country. Then why does Indonesia refuse to allow, in line with calls from the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), a visit from the United Nations (UN) Commissioner to examine the human rights situation? It has been 60 years, yet Indonesia has not heeded this call, while the killings continue,” he said.
“If Indonesia truly upholds democracy, then it should allow a visit by the UN Commissioner. This is why we, as Melanesians and Pacific Islanders, are demanding such a visit. Even 85 countries have called for the UN Commissioner’s visit, and Indonesia must respect this as it is a member of the UN.”
The ULMWP also issued a statement, stating that over 100,000 West Papuans were internally displaced between December 2018 and March 2022, as a result of an escalation in Indonesian militarisation.
They reported that as of October 2023, 76,228 Papuans remained internally displaced, and over 1,300 Papuans were killed between 2018 and 2023, and a video of Indonesian soldiers torturing a West Papuan in Puncak has made international news.
In response to the disturbing video footage about incident in Papua, Indonesia stated that the 13 Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) personnel (National Armed Forces of Indonesia) involved have been detained.
“The Embassy emphasised that torture is not the policy of the Government of Indonesia nor its National Armed Forces or Indonesian National Police,” the statement relayed.
“Therefore, such actions cannot be tolerated. Indonesia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to upholding human rights, including in Papua, in accordance with international standards.”
The ULMWP said Indonesian is lobbying in Vanuatu and the Pacific, presenting themselves as friends, while allegedly murdering and torturing Melanesians.
“For instance, in the Vanuatu Daily Post interview published on Thursday this week, the Indonesian Ambassador to Vanuatu claimed that West Papua was never colonised. This claim is flatly untrue: for one thing, the Ambassador claimed that ‘West Papua has never been on the UN Special Committee on Decolonisation (C-24)’ – but in fact, West Papua was added to the list of ‘Non-Self Governing Territories’ as the Dutch decolonised in the 1960s,” the Movement stated.
“According to the 1962 New York Agreement, West Papua was transferred to Indonesia on the condition of a free and fair vote on independence. However, in 1969, a handpicked group of 1,022 West Papuans (of an estimated population of 800,000) was forced to vote for integration with Indonesia, under conditions of widespread coercion, military violence and intimidation.
“Therefore, the right to self-determination in West Papua remains unfulfilled and decolonisation in West Papua is incomplete under international law. The facts could not be clearer: West Papua is a colonised territory.”
The Vanuatu Daily Post also asked some similar questions that had been posed to Indonesia on March 28, 2024, to which Mr. Wenda responded adeptly. Additionally, he provided insightful commentary on the current geopolitical landscape.
What do you believe Indonesia’s intention is in seeking membership in the MSG?
Indonesia’s intention to join MSG is to prevent West Papua from becoming a full member. Their aim is to obstruct West Papua’s membership because Indonesia, being Asian, does not belong to Melanesia. While they have their own forum called the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), we, as Melanesians, have the PIF, representing our regional bloc. Indonesia’s attempt to become an associate member is not in line with our Melanesian identity. Melanesians span from Fiji to West Papua, and we are linguistically, geographically, and culturally distinct. We are entitled to our Melanesian identity.
Currently, West Papua is not represented in MSG; only Indonesia is recognised. We have long been denied representation, and Indonesia’s intention to become an associate member solely to impede West Papua’s inclusion is evident.
Is Indonesia supporting West Papua’s efforts to become a full member of the MSG?
I don’t think their intention is to support; rather, they seek to exert influence within Melanesia to obstruct and prevent it. This explains their significant investment over the last ten years. Previously, they showed no interest in Melanesian affairs, so why the sudden change?
What aid is Indonesia offering Vanuatu and for what purpose? What are Indonesia’s intentions and goals in its foreign relations with Vanuatu?
I understand that Indonesia is an associate member of the MSG and contributes to its annual budget, which is acceptable. However, if Indonesia is investing heavily here, why aren’t they focusing on addressing the needs of their own people? I haven’t observed any Ni-Vanuatu begging on the streets from the airport to here (Golden Port). In contrast, in Jakarta, there are people sleeping under bridges begging for assistance. Why not invest in improving the lives of your own citizens? People in Jakarta endure hardships, living in slum settlements and under bridges, whereas I have never witnessed any Melanesians from West Papua to Fiji begging. So, why the sudden heavy investment here, and why now? —
I know what you think,” the source tells me. “That it’s fake. It’s not fake. It’s our life.”
It is a video of an act of torture in Gome, in central West Papua. It shows a man with his hands tied inside a water-filled drum. Men take turns beating and kicking the man, screaming racist slurs that have been an ominous ingredient of the Indonesian occupation of West Papua since the 1960s.
The tied man is incapable of any form of resistance. He is alone, the perpetrators are plenty. A bayonet cuts the man’s back and the water turns red. There is no way out of the entrapment without the assistance of his surroundings. But no one in the beating party is there to assist him – nor is Indonesia present in West Papua to assist its people.
The man’s name is Definus Kogoya. He was arrested on February 3, 2024, suspected of arson – a suspicion that was swiftly written off by the police. By then, however, another suspect, Warinus Kogoya, had perished when he “jumped” from a police truck, trying to escape.
Collective Punishment
In the hands of the military, Definus Kogoya was subjected to the collective frustration of the Indonesian army, which despite its dominance in terms of military and technological equipment has proved incapable of breaking down a popular rebellion in West Papua, consisting of both armed and non-violent resistance.
The torture video is a testament to the everyday violence, discrimination, and humiliation that Indonesian army personnel subject the West Papuan population to. Had the soldiers never eternalized their bestial act on video, it remains highly uncertain that any legal consequences would have eventuated – as is the case now.
Thirteen soldiers from the 300 Infantry Raider Battalion, stationed in conflict-ridden central West Papua, have been arrested, accused of torture. In the wake of the video’s wide circulation, the Indonesian military openly apologized to “all Papuan people” for the event. Benny Wenda, a prominent West Papuan political leader in exile in London, stated in a video comment that “torture is such a widespread military practice that it has been described as a ‘mode of governance’ in West Papua.”
Severe and Rampant Deforestation
The act of torture is a haunting mirroring image of Indonesia’s colonial policy in West Papua. It is about beating the soil free of natural resources. Large-scale deforestation to pave the way for palm oil operations and mining sites is so severe and rampant that significant parts of West Papua’s virgin forests have been turned into “pockets,” like oases in a desert.
“People are leaving their lands,” a source tells me. Where do they go? I ask. “Anywhere,” is the answer, another way of saying nowhere.
The controversial “Omnibus Law,” pushed through by outgoing Indonesian President Joko Widodo as a “policy of development,” includes the establishment of large-scale food estates to secure food availability for Indonesia, while also providing large areas of West Papua’s “unused areas” to mining, forestry, and infrastructure projects. All of these operations have been linked to continued deforestation, according to various environmental watchdogs who have also reported on a “significant underreporting” of methane emissions from Indonesia’s coal mines.
“A lot of land use and land-based investment permits have already been given to businesses, and a lot of these areas are already prone to disasters,” Arie Rompas, a forestry expert at Greenpeace, told The Associated Press.
A New “Blood-stained” President
President-elect and long-time military potentate Prabowo Subianto, controversial due to his tainted human rights record, has not only promised to continue his predecessor’s development policy in places like West Papua; he inherits an armed conflict that since late 2018 has shown Jakarta (and the rest of the world) that large portions of West Papuans simply won’t accept being treated as second-class citizens anymore.
What’s clearer – and worse from Jakarta’s perspective – is that their claim and request for a U.N.-observed referendum on independence from Indonesia, to make up for the “Act of Free Choice” in 1969, when a thousand “chosen” Papuans voted for “integration with Indonesia” at gunpoint, simply won’t go away despite Indonesia’s brutal military response. In Sentani, in northern West Papua on April 2, 77 people were sprayed with teargas and arrested for participating in a peaceful demonstration against the militarization of West Papua. Many were severely beaten, reported Human Rights Monitor.
The New Zealand pilot kidnapped last year and still in the hands of armed rebel forces is another political hand grenade for the president-elect. In February, the rebels said Phillip Mehrtens would be released, but did not specify when. Prabowo has proven more than capable of launching large-scale military operations in West Papua. In 1984, he ordered Indonesian special forces, the notorious Kopassus, to “clean up” outspoken independence advocates. Among the operations were various border crossings into Papua New Guinea in search of rebels. In the no-man’s land between PNG and West Papua, along Fly River, I interviewed displaced West Papuans who still recall the brutality and lack of mercy that Indonesian forces showed civilians during these mid-1980s military operations.
The IDPs Crisis Persists
The systematic brutality directed at West Papuans while in custody is mirrored by a total lack of presence when it comes to the more than 60,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Central Highlands. The Secretariat of Justice and Peace of the Catholic Church stated in a November 2023 report that the “IDP crisis persists” and that people have perished in poorly functioning refugee camps due to the lack of the most basic access to food and healthcare. Many of the dead are minors, who lived their entire short lives on the run, after seeing their lands bombed by Indonesian forces (allegedly using chemical weapons) or becoming victims of land grabs. Land is not infrequently confiscated by mining, logging, and palm oil interests, or integrated as “available lands” for Indonesian transmigrants from Java and Sulawesi.
The existing infrastructure in the abandoned villages in the highlands has often either been demolished or damaged. Schools, churches, and health clinics are no longer places of education, collectiveness, and care, but instead turned into military headquarters, according to a 2023 Human Rights Monitor report. Humanitarian law is not respected, instead thousands of men, women, children, and elderly have been cast into a life “in subhuman conditions, without access to food, healthcare services, or education.”
A Stand Against “Settler Colonialism”
Esther Haluk, a West Papuan democratic rights activist who was among those arrested in a May 2022 military sweep, looks to the future with fear. The conflict, she underlined in a speech, “is not about color television or 3G internet, it’s about indigenous dignity and a stand against militarism.”
“This is a real form of settler colonialism, a form of colonization that aims to replace the indigenous people of the colonized area with settlers from colonial society,” she added. “In this type of colonialism, indigenous people are not only threatened with losing their territory but also their way of life and identity that’s been passed down to them from generation to generation.”
The situation in the highlands resembles that which has lasted for decades along the border between West Papua and Papua New Guinea. Along Fly River, in a political and socioeconomic no-man’s-land, entire generations have been sacrificed due to the lack of schools, proper healthcare, and long-term-sustainable job opportunities. PNG authorities were – and remain – less than interested in facilitating social service for the refugees, let alone being a spokesperson for a just and secure reintegration of the displaced back into West Papuan society. The same goes for the world community.
“They kill the future by displacing the young,” one source tells me. “It’s a slow genocide that will pick up speed with time.”
The birth of a “lost generation” in the highlands, left to be cared for by local churches while Indonesia keeps the door shut for U.N. and independent reporters to document the short- and long-term conditions for IDPs, takes place in a world occupied with Ukraine and Gaza. To make matters worse, leaked lists of personal information and telephone numbers of local independent reporters and human rights activists underlines an eagerness to pester anyone who sets out to document the reality in West Papua with threatening calls and messages.
“The people of West Papua are constantly hit by the forces of Indonesian colonial weapons,” a source tells me. “But we will never back down, we have no choice but to keep fighting for our right to live.”
* Note on sources: All sources are anonymous due to safety concerns. To minimize the risk of exposure their individual expertise, geographical domicile, and job titles are not presented, but they include human rights workers, environmental activists, and politicians.
GUEST AUTHOR
Klas Lundström Klas Lundström is an investigative reporter and writer, based in Stockholm, who has reported from Indonesia, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste, and West Papua for various media outlets
TheVanuatu Daily Post Newspaper has criticised Indonesia for its contradictory stance on human rights issues, particularly supporting human rights activities in Gaza while overlooking the controversial ongoing situation in West Papua.
Indonesia had often condemned the violence and called for a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Indonesian Government has also provided humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza.
During an exclusive interview by the Vanuatu Daily Post News Coordinator, Mavuku Tokona, with a delegation from the Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia in Canberra, led by the Ambassador of Indonesia to Vanuatu, Dr Siswo Pramono, the Vanuatu Daily Post labelled Indonesia’s stand as hypocritical.
The Indonesian government’s response to these accusations sparked further discussion about the complication of international relations and human rights advocacy and their issue with West Papua, saying West Papua has never been colonised.
But Ambassador Pramono said labelling them hypocrites is not useful, as he outlines details on both sides of their conflict with West Papua.
“You called me a hypocrite, but I called you misinformed. It’s not useful to accuse somebody like that; we have a report from the University of Gadjah Mada that mentions every detail of casualties on both sides of the conflict,” he said.
“Data is very important because I don’t want to speculate on things. It’s a 2022 study by the University of Gadjah Mada revealing that the majority of the violence in Papua was carried out by criminal armed groups between 2010 and 2022.”
According to Dr Pramono, during a 12-year span from 2010 to 2022, 127 civilians, 61 military personnel, and 27 police of Indonesia were allegedly killed by the West Papua criminal armed group, and 104 civilians, 80 military personnel, and 46 police have been injured. On the other hand, 43 criminal armed group members from West Papua were killed, and 14 were injured.
He said the criminal armed group also committed violence against the local population, construction workers building bridges in Papua, and foreigners, such as the kidnapping of a pilot, (Philip Mehrtens).
Mr. Mehrtens, a Susi Air pilot, was abducted by the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) in February 2023 after landing in the remote region of Nduga. The rebel group has vowed not to release the pilot until Indonesia grants independence to its Papua provinces.
Ambassador Pramono added that according to the University of Gadjah Mada report, six schools, two elementary schools, and two high schools have also been destroyed by the rebels, along with their local district registry office and 33 civilian houses and teachers’ compound.
“This is all on record. So you cannot simply say there is no violence because there is violence, and the armed group is very active. You cannot imagine sending a journalist to a region like that,” said Dr Pramono.
“In any conflict region, normally the authority is going to impose some limitations, not only in Indonesia but everywhere, so the human rights situation — this is the reality. However, we rebuild what has been destroyed, and we replace the teachers who have been displaced or killed with new ones.”
The Vanuatu Daily Post also asked other related questions about the issue of West Papua, to which the Indonesian delegation led by Ambassador Pramonoresponded. These questions and responses are shared with our readers here:
Vanuatu has been very vocal about the West Papua conflict. What impact, if any, does this have on trade relations between Port Vila and Jakarta?
The trade relationship is good. Numbers speak for themselves, and you can verify them on the Internet. I won’t deceive you. Over the last two years, trade between Vanuatu and Indonesia has increased from U.S. 5.7 million dollars in 2022 to 8.7 million U.S. dollars in 2023.
So, in terms of trade, things are improving between the two countries. This is democracy. We respect your opinions, and you should respect ours. However, the reality is that business is thriving between our nations.
Due to Indonesia’s presence in West Papua, European countries have imposed bans on Indonesian products. Since Vanuatu has not followed suit, does this imply that Port Vila cannot afford to lose Jakarta as a trade partner?
I haven’t heard about European countries imposing a ban because of the Papuan issue. You should provide evidence for such claims. As far as I know, there is no ban on Indonesian products due to West Papua, perhaps on palm oil, but that’s unrelated to West Papua.
In fact, European countries are increasingly investing in Papua. Petroleum is a major industry with substantial European investment, and foreign investment in Papua is rising by 30%, including from Australia.
Why is Indonesia offering aid to Vanuatu, and why?
There are several reasons. Firstly, we aim for a more stable region because we are part of the Pacific. Stability in the region is crucial, which is why we engage not only with Vanuatu but also with the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) as a whole and other Pacific nations.
Secondly, we believe in globalisation. It’s apparent that no one is isolated anymore; everyone is connected. If there’s an economic crisis in one place, it will affect other areas. Therefore, ensuring economic stability in the Pacific is vital. We refer to this as Pacific elevation – enhancing stability and economic well-being in the region.
In terms of development cooperation, we extend support to the Pacific. Firstly, to the MSG, and secondly, to independent countries like Vanuatu.
We offer a grant of 13 million U.S. dollars to the MSG and also provide voluntary contributions totalling about 100,000 U.S. dollars, all in aid of regional stability.
Indonesia also makes an annual contribution to the MSG, approximately 217,000 U.S. dollars since becoming associate members. Additionally, we’ve supplied two operational vehicles, both manufactured in Indonesia and known as Indonesian Toyotas, contributing to our positive relations with the MSG.
Moreover, we’ve provided humanitarian assistance amounting to 20,800 U.S. dollars and invested about two million U.S. dollars in renovating the VIP lounge at the Port Vila International Airport.
Does Indonesia support West Papua’s efforts to become a full member of the MSG?
When discussing West Papua and other Melanesian provinces in Indonesia, it’s important to distinguish between West Papua and the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). If we’re talking about West Papua and other Melanesian provinces within Indonesia, we’re already members of the MSG. West Papua and Maluku are among the nine Indonesian provinces home to around 13 million Melanesians, making them already part of the MSG.
Vanuatu believes Indonesia was responsible for the massive cyber-attack that crippled the government’s Internet for four months in 2022 and caused significant disruption. Was Indonesia responsible for this?
No, Indonesia is not responsible for that. In fact, both Indonesia and Vanuatu have suffered greatly from cyber-attacks. In 2023 alone, Indonesia faced 361,000,000 cyber-attacks, severely impacting our economy.
One of the founding fathers of Vanuatu’s Independence, Father Walter Lini, made a statement that resonates through every generation, suggesting that if one Melanesian country is not free from another, then none of us are truly free. This statement is often related to West Papua and Indonesia, particularly concerning the efforts of ULMWP. What are your thoughts on this comment?
Given our commitment to decolonisation, it’s important to note that West Papua has never been on the United Nations (UN) Special Committee on Decolonisation (C-24), which means West Papua is not colonised.
While Fr. Walter Lini’s sentiment may hold merit, it’s essential to understand that his comment does not apply to Papua, as it has been part of Indonesia’s decolonisation process. Papua’s integration into Indonesia was in accordance with international law at the time.
Considering that we were all once colonised by the Dutch, from Aceh to Papua, we inherited the colonial legacy upon gaining independence, adhering to the principle of ‘uti possidetis juris’ (as you possess under law).
This principle is observed in various regions worldwide, including Africa and Latin America. Hence, when discussing West Papua in the context of Walter Lini’s vision, it’s important to recognise this historical context.
While Indonesia may not be directly involved in this issue, we believe in supporting any Pacific country or region that requires decolonisation, particularly those within the C-24 framework of the UN system.
As members of the UN Charter, both Indonesia and Vanuatu are committed to upholding the principles of a rule-based order.
President Jokowi kick-off the implementation of recommendations for non-judicial settlement of 12 cases of gross human rights violations in the past, at Rumoh Geudong, one of the former Tactical and Strategic Unit Posts (Pos Sattis) in Sector A-Pidie during the implementation of the Military Operations Area ( DOM) in Aceh (1989-1998), located in Gampong Bili Aron, Glumpang Tiga District, Tuesday, 27 June 2023.
The quick count of Indonesia’s recent elections indicates the winner is previously disgraced Prabowo. Accusations abound of voting fraud, vote buying, court-rigging, and corruption within the electoral commission, and many friends are despairing of Indonesia’s retreating democracy. I share that concern, but I can see a potential different interpretation of the facts. My prayer, and an exerted effort by political parties and civil society, Indonesia can revive its democracy in regional elections next November.
Pearls and Irritations published Duncan Graham’s “Indifference Killing Democracy in Indonesia” on 11 March, 2024. He presented well-documented sins of Prabowo under President Soeharto. But after Soeharto was forced to resign, Prabowo exiled himself to Jordon. He returned twenty years ago, declaring to be a different person because it was a different era.
Prabowo
In 2008 Prabowo formed Gerindra, his own political party. And in 2009, Megawati accepted this ally of the hated Soeharto as her running mate for the 2009 Presidential elections. They lost.
In 2014 and 2019 he campaigned dirty against Jokowi. After losing a second time, Jokowi appointed him as Minister for Defence. Thus both Megawati and Jokowi had accepted a changed Prabowo.
After a year working for Jokowi, Prabowo confessed that Jokowi was a better leader. Then in 2023 Jokowi supported Prabowo for Presidency in 2024, and it seems Prabowo has won.
On Monday 4 March 2024, less than three weeks after the election, Prabowo declared that Indonesia’s democracy has “a lot of room for improvement”, which he described as “vibrant and resilient”, though he said that democracy is “really very, very tiring; democracy is very, very messy” and “we are still not satisfied with our democracy.” Face value, Prabowo was saying he is pro-democracy but not pro Indonesia’s current democracy.
Prabowo has been supported up to now by his younger brother, businessman Hashim Djojohadikusumo, who has just now been reported as being bankrupt. Will Prabowo now revert to his military style, or to Soeharto’s kleptocracy, to save his brother that helped him get to the top? Or will he act like a convert, and un-mess Indonesia’s democracy?
Jokowi
Had Jokowi been practicing democracy for so long, and now leave such a trail undoing Indonesia’s democracy? Maybe he never was pro-democracy, maybe adept as manager and marketeer where his achievements seemed democratic. But maybe he believes his actions are to democratise Indonesia’s form of democracy?
In his first term he refused to appoint politicians to his cabinet. He avoided parliament (DPR). But in 2016, DPR supported his bill for simultaneous elections of regional leaders after Presidential elections in 2024. Was he laying the foundation for profound change?
Then big news after Jokowi was re-elected in 2019 was his ministerial appointment of Prabowo, his acrimonious rival.
Jokowi has been duplicitous concerning the 2004 undemocratic National System of Development Planning Law (UU SPPN), that requires a long-term development plan every twenty years and five-year development plans drafted before elections, only edited by incoming leaders and valid without amendment for five years. Jokowi’s 2019 five-year plan was 2279 pages long. Jokowi did not make any effort to change this problematic planning system, but he paid little attention to it.
And in 2019, Jokowi produced a vision for Indonesia by 2045, to be the basis for long-term planning in 2025. But he has retained UU SPPN, and demands long-term plans to be prepared in 2024.
The only scenario I can see for maintaining the planning law that Jokowi disdains, is that it is a lever over parties for the regional elections in November for the 550 positions of Governor, Regent and Mayor, to be elected by popular vote. Maybe Jokowi is attempting to reform local democracy.
Parties, all undemocratic, are under pressure in three ways. With too many elections and too many candidates, national party committees and party patrons cannot hold the reigns. They must delegate to their provincial branches.
Campaigns will be based on carefully overseen long term plans for 2025-2045, based on Jokowi’s Indonesia Emas 2045. No more room for candidates to campaign beyond their authority, and candidates mut look to the long term.
And economic outlooks must include collaboration to embrace connectivity within markets. From 2025, Jokowi is demanding decentralise governance of the economy. Political parties within provinces need to prepare collaborative campaigns, not just campaigns between local elites.
In 2019 Jokowi surrounded Prabowo with people who could monitor his faithfulness. Yes, Jokowi seems to be creating a dynasty. Maybe also keeping a watch over Prabowo, like he did in 2019. Could that very same brother-in-law in the constitutional court who helped create the dynasty, also keep close watch over any attempt to undermine the constitution? Will Jokowi demand he appoints opponents Ganjar and Mahfud or even Ahok as ministers, as he appointed Prabowo back in 2019?
Could he be demanding Prabowo oversee better decentralisation, a focus on SDG 2030, a revision of the Planning Law, and political party law to demand parties to be democratic?
Whether Prabowo returns to his old self, or whether my hope and prayer is answered, political parties can start preparing to change local democracy by being more democratic themselves. And local civil societies can be demanding it.
Owen Podger is an Australian living in Indonesia. Since March 1998 when Soeharto was elected for the final time, he has concentrated on assisting Indonesian reforms , mainly in two areas: (1) policies to improve performance of government in Indonesia’s new democratic and decentralised system, and (2) sustainable urbanisation considering climate change and disasters.
A video of the torture is circulating on social media. The video shows soldiers brutally beating a man as he stands in a barrel of water and slashing him with a knife.
Joe Collins of AWPA said , “one can only imagine the fear and terror the Papuan man must feel at this brutal torture being inflicted on him”.
Gustaf R. Kawer, chair of PAHAM Papua, (The Human Rights Lawyers Association) said they have tried to carry out a brief investigation and suspect that this torture incident was carried out by Non-Organic Troops from Kodam III/Siliwangi, Yonif Raider Unit 300/Brajawijaya, against civilians around Puncak or Puncak Jaya Regency (Mulia, Ilaga, Sinak, etc.).
PAHAM Papua is calling on Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission (and the TNI Commander) to immediately carry out a thorough investigation and take the perpetrators to court.
Benny Wenda has also condemned the torture stating
“I am truly horrified by the video that has emerged from Yahukimo of Indonesian soldiers torturing a West Papuan man. More than anything, the sadistic brutality on display shows how urgently West Papua needs a UN Human Rights visit”.
The video (with the warning : graphic, violent content ) is on the ULMWP webpage at
Joe Collins said, “as more information comes to light about the incident , AWPA will be writing to the Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong not only about this incident but about the deteriorating human rights situation in the territory”.
Ends. ——————————
Image from FB
————————- PAHAM Papua media release (Translated) (posted on AWPA FB page)
Commanders and perpetrators of torture against civilians MUST be prosecuted and dismissed from the unit.
Good morning fellow Papuan media and activists, observing the video of very sadistic torture carried out by TNI officers in Papua which is circulating quite widely on online media, it is very important for us to work together to urge the perpetrators to be prosecuted, including the commander of this unit.
We have tried to carry out a brief investigation, while it is suspected that this torture incident was carried out by Non-Organic Troops from Kodam III/Siliwangi, Yonif Raider Unit 300/Brajawijaya, against civilians around Puncak or Puncak Jaya Regency (Mulia, Ilaga, Sinak, etc.).
This act of torture against one of the civilians was very sadistic, carried out by TNI officers without prioritizing the principle of presumption of innocence. If the person concerned was suspected of committing a criminal act/was involved in the TPN PB organization, TNI in sufficient numbers was accompanied by complete military equipment and faced with A mere civilian, helpless, does not deserve to be subjected to cruel acts of sadistic torture as circulated in the video. According to regulations, the TNI handed over suspected criminals to the police for legal proceedings before the court and the court determined the person guilty based on the facts of the trial.
The actions of the TNI officers constitute an act of extrajudicial torture, a thorough investigation needs to be carried out and if it is discovered that the victim has died, then the actions of the officers can be categorized as extrajudicial killing.
We from PAHAM Papua urge the Republic of Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission and the TNI Commander to immediately carry out a thorough investigation and take the perpetrators to court until they receive the maximum verdict, including being fired from the unit.
Indonesian military probes viral video allegedly showing Papuan’s brutal torture by soldiers
Victor Mambor and Dandy Koswaraputra 2024.03.22 Jayapura, Indonesia, and Jakarta
A
2024.03.22 Jayapura, Indonesia, and Jakarta
Military officials in Indonesia’s restive Papua region said Friday they were verifying the authenticity of a video that has gone viral and appears to show Indonesian servicemen beating and cutting with a bayonet a man believed to be an indigenous Papuan.
Human rights activists demanded a swift inquiry to determine if soldiers were involved in what would be yet another case of torture and abuse, which is a longstanding accusation against Indonesian military and security forces in Papua.
The location and time of the alleged incident are unclear.
“We are verifying its authenticity,” Col. Gusti Nyoman Suriastawa, a military spokesman in Papua, told BenarNews. “If it is genuine, we need to determine where and when it occurred.”
The graphic video footage, viewed by BenarNews, shows men in trousers that resemble Indonesian military uniform fatigues, taunting the victim who is seen inside a water-filled drum.
“How does that feel? Head up! Head up,” the men say as they hit him and make incisions on his back with a bayonet.
As the men continue to inflict the wounds, the water in the drum can be seen turning red.
In a statement issued after the video was widely circulated, PAHAM Papua, a local human rights organization, issued a statement that makes the assumption that the abusers in the footage are members of the Indonesian Armed Forces [TNI].
“If the individual was suspected of criminal activity, the TNI should not have resorted to such brutal and sadistic torture as shown in the video,” PAHAM chairman Gustaf Kawer said.
“The act of torture inflicted on [the] civilian was extremely cruel, carried out by TNI [personnel without adhering to the principle of presumption of innocence.”
PAHAM urged the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) and the Indonesian military to conduct a “comprehensive investigation.”
Theo Hesegem, executive director of the Papua Human Justice and Integrity Foundation, urged authorities “to ensure that the perpetrators of the torture are processed swiftly.”
“It is clear that the individual subjected to torture is a native Papuan,” he said in a statement.
Komnas HAM, meanwhile, indicated that initial findings point to the incident taking place in the Puncak regency of Central Papua province.
“This compounds the toll of violence from the ongoing conflict in Papua, with suspicions pointing to torture by authorities,” Komnas HAM chairwoman Atnike Nova Sigiro Atnika said in a statement.
Rights groups have long accused Indonesian security forces of abuses in Papua, including arbitrary arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings.
Papua, at the far-eastern end of the Indonesian archipelago, has seen an escalation in violence following an insurgent attack that resulted in the deaths of 19 road construction workers and a soldier in 2018.
The heavy military presence and ongoing violence have stifled development in the region.
On Friday, Rumadi Ahmad, a deputy chief of the Indonesian presidential staff, said that President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo had committed to accelerating development in Papua, but these efforts would be hampered if the military was responsible for the violence in the video.
“While we hold a strong hope that our soldiers are not involved in such reprehensible acts, if proven true, the individuals responsible must be held accountable in accordance with the applicable rules and regulations,” Rumadi said in a statement.
He said the military played a strategic role “in bringing about a sense of security” in Papua.
“If the video is proven to be true, the actions by a few irresponsible individuals could be very disruptive to the development that has been planned and implemented so well,” Rumadi said.
Insurgents have also been responsible for civilian fatalities, targeting those they suspect of espionage for the authorities. In 2022, rebels killed eight employees of Telkomsel, the nation’s leading telecommunications provider, who were constructing cellular towers in the Puncak regency.
However, one armed separatist group, the West Papua National Liberation Army, quickly distanced itself from the incident in the video and condemned the acts therein, which spokesman Sebby Sambom attributed to the TNI.
“The actions of the Indonesian military and police are akin to [those of] ISIS terrorists,” Sambom said, referring to the Islamic State militant group.
Papua, a mineral-rich and underdeveloped region, has been grappling with a separatist insurgency for decades. The mineral extraction and alleged discrimination against indigenous Papuans by the Indonesian government have fueled the conflict.
Papuans have long felt marginalized economically and politically, despite the immense wealth their land generates.
The territory was incorporated into Indonesia in the 1960s after a controversial United Nations-backed plebiscite.
Many Papuans allege the vote was rigged and have since fought for independence.
Videos of Indonesian soldiers torturing an indigenous Papuan have gone viral on social media and caused public outrage. Human rights defenders found hints that the video might have been taken during a security force raid in Omukia and Gome on 3 and 4 February 2024. Both districts are located in the Puncak Regency, Pegunungan Tengah Province. One of the men is wearing an army shirt with a 300 imprint, indicating his affiliation with the III/Siliwangi, Yonif Raider 300/Brajawijaya Unit. The unit was deployed in the Puncak Regency for several months until 16 February 2024 before returning to their battalion in Cianiur, Jawa Barat Province. The video is rare visual evidence of the utmost brutality used by security force members during raids in conflict areas across West Papua. The XVII Cenderawasih spokesperson, Lieutenant Inf Candra Kurniawan, stated that his men are currently examining the truthfulness of the video.
Such raids have repeatedly occurred in the regencies Nduga, Pegunungan Bintang, Intan Jaya, Puncak, and Yahukimo – all located in the central Papuan highlands. Security forces regard these regencies as strongholds of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). Human rights organisations have repeatedly raised concerns regarding atrocities against the civilian population during such raids, including acts of arbitrary detention, burning of houses, torture, enforced disappearance, and extra-judicial killings.
The video shows a Papuan man with hands tied to his back. He is sitting in a blue drum filled with water that has turned red as a result of blood from his wounds. The drum is surrounded by at least five non-Papuans, some wearing military trousers and one wearing an army shirt with a 300 imprint on the front. The men speak Indonesian with a Javanese accent (see video below. Viewer discretion is advised for these graphic images).
The videos display different forms of torture. One video shows the victim shivering. A man in a black jacket and black fingerless gloves repeatedly stabs and slashes the shoulder with a knife while saying, “{[The skin is] though. This feels good, right?” The second video shows various non-Papuan men taking turns punching, elbowing, and kicking the victim in the face and the back of the head. One man is beating the Papuan detainee with a stick, repeatedly shouting, “Take your head up. Dog! Bastard!”. Another man steps in and says,” It’s time to switch. Be patient.”
Human rights organisations urged Indonesian authorities to immediately investigate the allegations of torture and take legal firm action against the perpetrators. Cases of torture have been rampant in West Papua due to the widespread impunity in the region. Perpetrators are not held accountable in public trials, while the internal court processes, particularly police internal disciplinary procedures, lack transparency and independence. The perpetrators often receive sentences that are disproportionately lenient with regard to the severity of the crime. Recent military tribunals related to the enforced disappearance and execution of five indigenous Papuans in the regencies Intan Jayaand Mimika illustrate the pressing issue of accountability and impunity in West Papua.
Raids in the Districts Gome und Omukia, February 2024
One Papuan villager reportedly died because of the injuries he sustained due to the torture. At least three other civilians were injured after being tortured, including one pastor named Rev Eriak Waker. The torture occurred during his interrogation in the Yenggernok Village.
According to information received, security force members carried out a raid in the Manggume Village, Omukia District, on 4 February 2024, around 10.00 am. Mr Andinus Murib, 21, and Mr Devius Wanikbo, 19, were fixing the roof of a house when the security forces came to the villages. Villagers panicked and fled to the forest while Mr Murib and Mr Wandikbo were trapped on the roof. They were temporarily detained and tortured by security forces.
Mr Murib and Mr Wandikbo were admitted to the public hospital after losing consciousness due to the pain they experienced during the torture. On 5 February 2024, authorities suggested transferring both patients to Timika, where the hospital was better equipped. However, the relatives rejected the offer. Instead, they brought Mr Murib and Mr Wandikbo back to the village and treated them with traditional medicine because they feared further violence or criminalisation by the authorities.
During the raid in Manggume on 4 February 2024, security forces encountered Mr Werinus Murib, 20, in the forest near the village around 11.15 am while collecting firewood. After being arrested, security force members reportedly tortured Mr Murib until he succumbed to the injuries he sustained. The pattern of injuries indicated that the security force member beat and kicked the victim’s head and body using bare hands and blunt objects. The body also had stabbing and slashing injuries. Witnesses saw joint security forces tying Mr Murib’s feet to a car and allegedly dragging him for a distance of 1 kilometre. Mr Murib died on the way to the hospital as a result of the injuries he sustained.
Presence of Military in Puncak Regency
The XVII Cenderawasih spokesperson, Lieutenant Inf Candra Kurniawan, declared that he had never received any complaints about the presence of III/Siliwangi, Yonif Raider 300/Brajawijaya Unit in Puncak. “There have never been complaints of harsh behaviour towards the community. In fact, the community is pleased with the presence of the Yonif 300 / R Task Force and was honoured by the Dani tribe with the title Kogoya from the Chief of the Puncak Regency Tribe in Gome.”
The video is a crack in the image of the military. Military officials have been trying to promote the military as being close to the people in Papua. Military members become teachers and provide medical services because the fundamental healthcare and education services in conflict areas remain dysfunctional. Professional health and education workers have left the areas (see images below, source: independent HRDs). The image contradicts information shared by affected community members in the Puncak Regency. Human Rights Monitor has received complaints about the heavy military presence in conflict areas, including from the Puncak Regency, as part of the Government’s soft security approach in West Papua. In November 2021, the coordinating minister for political, legal, and security affairs, Mahfud MD, declared a new security force approach in West Papua, which implied that military members should directly engage in community matters, participating in education, health, and infrastructural services in conflict-affected areas. Military members reportedly visit homes, schools, and public medical facilities. The government-driven practice is highly concerning, as many indigenous children in West Papua are afraid of the military. They have been traumatized over generations by the history of human rights violations over a period of more than 50 years. Moreover, the presence of military members in communities exposes civilians to a higher risk of becoming civilian victims during armed clashes between the conflict parties
Video of Indonesian soldiers torturing indigenous Papuan
A reason for Indonesians overwhelmingly supporting cashiered general Prabowo Subianto and a likely military dictatorship is because the electorate rarely reads; voters haven’t been taught to think critically so know little of their new president’s past.
In 1998, Prabowo was stripped of his rank and discharged from the Army for disobeying orders. His squad arrested student dissidents and 13 have never reappeared. He fled to Jordan and returned earlier this century to become a hugely successful businessman.
Australian author and academic Max Lane, who translated the works of political prisoner Pramoedya Ananta Toer into English last century, says Indonesia is the only country in the world that doesn’t require students to read their own nation’s literature:
“This was deliberately created so that the Indonesian people would not understand their own nation so they would not have any imagination for the future.” As Spanish-American philosopher George Santayana (1863-1952) said: ‘Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.’
The condemnation of intellectuals and creatives, heavy censorship and book banning during second president Soeharto’s rule (1966 – 1998) caused a great slump in reading history. A US university study of The World’s Most Literate Nations ranked Indonesia at 60 of the 61 states surveyed. (Top is Finland; Australia is 12th).
A Melbourne University commentary concluded: “Culturally, Indonesians have a very strong oral tradition, and the country is not going to transform into a nation of bookworms overnight (but) … creativity and innovation are urgently needed to address the reading crisis.”
Although World Bank data shows Indonesian literacy above 96 per cent, knowing how to read and using that skill widely are separate issues.
Indonesian public schools are in a mess. One Australian academic review blamed “inadequate funding, human resource deficits, perverse incentive structures, and poor management” adding: “Problems with education quality and learning have also been, at their root, a matter of politics and power.”
In the past liberal Muslim parents ignored crucifixes nailed above doorways to get a better education in Catholic schools; this trend is waning as independent schools develop. However, the curriculum is still controlled by the government which is again rewriting history.
The first version of the 1965 coup, widely and uncritically taught, had naked Communist women dancing on the castrated corpses of murdered generals. The brief uprising was savagely suppressed by General Soeharto who went on to become the nation’s second president.
The lewd story was untrue – a pre-internet hoax to foment hatred towards the Communist Party and its supporters seeking land reform. It worked – and an estimated half-million were slaughtered in a military-engineered genocide.
Soeharto (who died in 2008) is known overseas as the greatest kleptocrat in the Republic’s history, though never charged. He allegedly stripped US $35 billion from the public purse. This is also not taught in schools.
Now Golkar Party Deputy Chair Melchias Markus Mekeng reckons Soeharto should be made a national hero. That’s reportedly because he “did a lot of good work and was dedicated when he served as president.” No details.
The motive for trying to canonise a villain comes after the current and seventh president Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo last month suddenly smoothed the facts by rehabilitating his rival.
He awarded his cashiered successor Prabowo with the honorary rank of four-star general. When kicked out of the military 26 years ago he had three stars.
The promotion dismayed civil society groups that claimed Prabowo’s promotion was a ”betrayal of the 1998 Reformation.”
A career military man educated in the UK and US, Prabowo’s meteoric rise in the army was boosted by serving with alleged brutality in East Timor and marrying Soeharto’s second eldest daughter Siti Hediati Hariyadi. The couple have since divorced.
He then tried to be elected president, crashing both times against the current holder of the title. To widespread astonishment Jokowi made his bitter opponent Prabowo Defence Minister, giving the failed candidate a platform.
On his third try on 14 February Prabowo convincingly won the presidency, sweeping the stage of his two main candidates with close to 60 per cent of the vote. (Jokowi had already served two five-year terms and was prevented by the Constitution from standing a third time.)
There are 24 political parties registered in Indonesia, including Golkar, the vehicle for Soeharto who served for 32 years before he quit in 1998 during an economic crisis and massive student protests.
Golkar (Party of Functional Groups) was formed by the military in 1964. It’s now the second-largest party and claims to be democratic and nationalist. It backed Prabowo’s candidacy in this year’s election so will get some of the ministries.
Merit and skills in a specific portfolio are not required.
So far the priority is not education but military bases in every province. There are 14 at present. During the election campaign, Prabowo pledged to increase these to all 38.
Any chance the schooling situation will change for the better with Prabowo as president? It’s unlikely though it depends on who’s appointed Education Minister and how much clout they carry. In the Indonesian system, a minister can be recruited from outside politics.
The current education minister is billionaire businessman Nadiem Anwar Makarim who started the Gojek motorbike taxi service in 2009. He’s not known as a member of a political party.
Dr Anies Baswedan, once a university rector and failed presidential candidate, was a former Education Minister. He tried to reform the system but soon encountered opposition and was sacked by Jokowi in 2016.
Monash University’s Dr Sharyn Davies reportedly said Prabowo’s nationalism “could affect higher education policy – including appetite for overseas university campuses.
“No Indonesian university apart from Monash Indonesia has foreign academics employed in anything other than guest adjunct positions.
“It’s a very insular, ultra-nationalist kind of education system and…my sense (is that) Prabowo will move that even more towards the nationalist insular side.”
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.
It’s unfortunate timing. In the same week that Prime Minister Anthony Albanese announced a $2 billion facility to encourage investment in South-East Asia, a Canadian pension fund investor hit pause on a much-touted push into Indonesia.
In recent years, South-East Asia’s largest economy has made some big strides in welcoming institutional investors – including Australia’s Macquarie Asset Management – by dealing with concerns about political, economic and regulatory risks.
The three-year-old Indonesian Investment Authority (INA), protected by its own legislation and a reporting line straight to the president, has done much to smoothen the way.
INA chief executive Ridha Wirakusumah has briefed fund managers across the globe on its mission to bring world-class investors to Indonesia. He has made several visits to Australia and was back again this week as Albanese launched the $2 billion Southeast Asia Investment Financing Facility in the presence of regional leaders and executives at the ASEAN Summit in Melbourne.
INA has done a good job of insulating investors from Indonesia’s always complex and often piecemeal regulatory framework. However, a recent development shows the path is not straightforward, even for seasoned investors who have done years of due diligence.
One of the INA’s early triumphs, a $US3.75 billion investment platform formed with three international partners, has taken an unexpected turn. Canada’s Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec (CDPQ) was left off the list when the INA announced that the platform had become a shareholder in a major tollway project this year. This week, an INA spokeswoman confirmed that CDPQ was no longer involved in the platform “for the time being”. The target investment had consequently been reduced to $US2.75 billion.
A spokesman said CDPQ would not go into the details regarding its engagement with INA “but active discussions are ongoing”.
The diminished size of the investment platform demonstrates Indonesia’s continuing battle to diversify its financial backers. Although foreign direct investment has reached record levels recently, much of this has been concentrated in huge new industrial parks centred on nickel mining. The country’s ambitious goals for clean energy and its pressing need for more infrastructure require billions more.
In November, Indonesian President Joko Widodo inaugurated a floating solar farm in West Java province. It’s the third largest such structure in the world, but just one small step in what the president, commonly known as Jokowi, estimates is a $US1 trillion task to get South-East Asia’s largest economy to zero emissions.
The Albanese government views the green transition as a chance to both strengthen a crucial bilateral relationship and help turn the dream for Australia to become a renewables superpower into reality. Hence, the $2 billion promise to help tempt Australian investors into South-East Asia, which was announced at the ASEAN Summit.
The initiative will provide loans, guarantees, equity and insurance to help bolster what the government describes as the “underweight” and “stagnant” two-way trade and investment with ASEAN member countries. Renewable energy and infrastructure development are the priority areas.
The $2 billion could be “catalytic in Indonesia,” says Andrew Hudson who leads the Melbourne-based Centre for Policy Development, which also has a presence in Jakarta. “We’ve seen investment in South-East Asia drop off drastically over the last decade and the big question is how do we encourage the private sector. I think this new facility will help derisk and provide higher return rates – and it really should be focused on Indonesia, the giant of South-East Asia.”
It’s a good time to be looking around, he notes. The Indonesian government is increasingly frustrated by delays in the $US20 billion promised by G7 countries in 2022 to help shift its developing economy. The country is still powered almost entirely by coal-fired electricity that is heavily subsidised – as is the gasoline used by the vast majority of cars and motorbikes across the archipelago.
Indonesia is at the point of what the OECD refers to as the country’s “reform journey” where more institutional investors are becoming increasingly comfortable they won’t be caught out by political or economic crises. The INA’s two other partners in the investment platform launched in 2021 have stuck with the initiative under which the acquisition of a stake in a Trans-Java toll road was announced in January. However, CDPQ’s actions show the country remains complex for international investors – even those whose due diligence goes back years.
ugboats and barges transporting coal are moored on the Mahakam River in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. Bloomberg
Shrinking involvement
Although these considerations are not incompatible with the Albanese government’s strategy for the region, they will be top of mind for Export Finance Australia, which will run the $2 billion South-East Asia Investment Financing Facility. The goal is to reverse our shrinking involvement with a region that is tipped to be the fourth largest in the world by 2040, after the US, China and India.
Macquarie Asset Management is one of the few Australian institutions to have invested directly in Indonesia, where it has a minority stake in Bersama Digital Infrastructure. Singapore-based King & Wood Mallesons partner Nicola Yeomans advised MAM’s co-investor in that deal, Canada’s Public Sector Pension Investment Board. Yeomans was also in Melbourne this week. She praises the government for acting so quickly on the recommendations made in the South-East Asia strategy that was led by former Macquarie boss Nicholas Moore.
“The issue is there are not enough big, bankable projects. This will provide finance for ventures at an earlier stage than private capital,” Yeomans says.
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“My view is we need to normalise the risk. Yes, it’s a different legal system and yes, you need to understand your partner. The risks are real and people have been in trouble in the past. But there are many investors from elsewhere in the world that have done the work and who understand the nature of those risks.”
Shifting Indonesia to green energy is an immense task – sobering not only in terms of its size but also its social impact, with a lot of workers engaged in fossil fuel-related industries and many consumers being used to heavily subsidised purchases.
The 192-megawatt peak solar farm on the Cirata reservoir in West Java is expected to generate 245 gigawatt-hours of electricity a year. That’s enough to power 50,000 households, though this could increase with plans to expand the project to 500MWp and perhaps as high as 1000MWp.
A view of the Cirata Floating Photovoltaic Power Plant in Purwakarta, Indonesia. Bloomberg
Renewables account for just 12 per cent of Indonesia’s power generation and the country is likely to miss its target of increasing that to 23 per cent by next year. The government has estimated it needs $US600 billion to retire 15 gigawatts of coal power generation over the next three decades.
At the end of 2022, developed nations agreed to help fund the transition from coal to clean power. The $US20 billion Indonesia Just Energy Transition Partnership is led by the United States and Japan and supported by the UK, Germany, France, the EU, Canada, Italy, Norway and Denmark. The plan is for public sector agencies to pledge $US10 billion, and the same amount would be put up by the private sector.
The JETP for Indonesia – and others agreed with South Africa, Vietnam and Senegal – are an acknowledgement the world is moving too slowly on climate action, and too unevenly. More than 90 per cent of all increased spending on renewables is going into developed countries and China, according to the Rockefeller Foundation.
But so far, those good intentions have failed to translate into cash. A JETP Secretariat opened in Jakarta a year ago and 400 priority projects have been whittled down to just under 50. However, Jokowi expressed frustration when he told the Financial Times last year there was “tremendous” concern over the lack of action in funding. “Don’t question Indonesia’s commitment towards the energy transition. What I’m questioning is the commitment of the developed states.”
In a report on the overall JETP approach released last month, the Rockefeller Foundation concluded that “healthy scepticism and continued scrutiny are warranted given how long the process is taking and how slowly the money has flowed so far”.
When the Indonesian JETP was announced, some observers felt Australia should have been involved. One well-informed observer said the Indonesian government suggested informally that Canberra should jump in only if it were willing to commit a substantial sum.
The $2 billion facility directed squarely at the region shows serious intent. But it remains to be seen if institutional investors will turn into active players and team up with fund managers operating in the region, and also follow the lead of the newly appointed regional business champions by backing companies keen to do more with our northern neighbours.
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Emma ConnorsSenior editor and writerEmma Connors was South-east Asia correspondent from October 2019 until mid-2023, based in Jakarta and Singapore. She has previously edited Perspective, Review and op-ed, and has written extensively across the AFR and related titles. Connect with Emma on Twitter. Email Emma at emma.connors@nine.com.au
Australia West Papua Association Adelaide 