Greenpeace and Raja Ampat youth confront nickel industry during conference

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Igor ONeill June 3, 2025 

Banners unfurled at Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference demand accountability: What is the True Cost of Your Nickel? Greenpeace Indonesia activists, alongside four young West Papuans from the Raja Ampat archipelago, staged a peaceful protest about the impacts of nickel mining while Indonesia’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs addressed the Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference in Jakarta © Dhemas Reviyanto / Greenpeace Jakarta, June 3, 2025 – Greenpeace Indonesia activists, alongside four young West Papuans from the Raja Ampat archipelago, staged a peaceful protest today to expose the devastating environmental and social consequences of nickel mining and smelting. While Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, Arief Havas Oegroseno, addressed the Indonesia Critical Minerals Conference in Jakarta, the activists deployed a banner reading, “What’s the True Cost of Your Nickel?” and unfurled others with messages: “Nickel Mines Destroy Lives” and “Save Raja Ampat from Nickel Mining.”

Through this direct action, Greenpeace aims to deliver an urgent message to the Indonesian government, nickel industry executives gathered at the event, and the wider public: nickel mining and processing are inflicting profound suffering on affected communities across Eastern Indonesia. The industry is razing forests, polluting vital water sources, rivers, seas, and air, and is exacerbating the climate crisis through its reliance on captive coal-fired power plants for processing.

“While the government and mining oligarchs discuss expanding the nickel industry at this conference, communities and our planet are already paying an unbearable price,” said Iqbal Damanik, Greenpeace Indonesia Forest Campaigner. “The relentless industrialization of nickel – accelerated by soaring demand for electric cars – has destroyed forestlands, rivers, and seas from Morowali, Konawe Utara, Kabaena, and Wawonii, to Halmahera and Obi. Now, nickel mining even threatens Raja Ampat in West Papua, a globally renowned biodiversity hotspot often called the last paradise on Earth.”

Following an investigative journey through West Papua, Greenpeace exposed mining activities on several islands within the Raja Ampat archipelago, including Gag Island, Kawe Island, and Manuran Island. These three are classified as small islands and, under the law concerning the management of coastal areas and small islands, should be off-limits to mining.

Greenpeace analysis reveals that nickel exploitation on these three islands has already led to the destruction of over 500 hectares of forest and specialised native vegetation. Extensive documentation shows soil runoff causing turbidity and sedimentation in coastal waters – a direct threat to Raja Ampat’s delicate coral reefs and marine ecosystems – as a result of deforestation and excavation.

Beyond Gag, Kawe, and Manuran, other small islands in Raja Ampat such as Batang Pele and Manyaifun are also under imminent threat from nickel mining. These two adjacent islands are situated approximately 30 kilometers from Piaynemo, the iconic karst island formation pictured on Indonesia’s Rp100,000 banknote.

Raja Ampat is celebrated for its extraordinary terrestrial and marine biodiversity. Its waters are home to 75 percent of the world’s coral species and over 2,500 species of fish. The islands themselves support 47 mammal species and 274 bird species. UNESCO has designated the Raja Ampat region as a global geopark.

Ronisel Mambrasar, a West Papuan youth from the Raja Ampat Nature Guardians (Aliansi Jaga Alam Raja Ampat), said, “Raja Ampat is in grave danger due to the presence of nickel mines on several islands, including my own home in Manyaifun and Batang Pele Islands. Nickel mining threatens our very existence. It will not only destroy the sea that has sustained our livelihoods for generations but is also fracturing the harmony of our communities, sowing conflict where there was once harmony.”

Greenpeace Indonesia urgently calls on the government to fundamentally reassess its nickel industrialization policies, which have already triggered a cascade of problems. The hollow boasts about the benefits of downstreaming, championed by the previous administration and now perpetuated during the presidency of Prabowo Subianto, must end. The nickel industrialization drive has proven to be a tragic irony: instead of delivering a just energy transition, it is systematically destroying the environment, violating the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities, and deepening the damage to an Earth already buckling under the weight of the climate crisis.

ENDS

Photos and videos are available in the Greenpeace Media Library.

Contacts:

Iqbal Damanik, Greenpeace Indonesia Forest Campaigner +62-811-4445-026

Igor O’Neill, Greenpeace Indonesia, ioneill@greenpeace.org +61-414-288-424

Indonesia remembers the coming of democracy, 27 years later

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2YJG244 Lima, Peru. 14th Nov, 2024. Prabowo Subianto, President of the Republic of Indonesia, on an official visit to Peru. This visit, within the framework of the APEC Peru 2024 Economic Leaders Week (AELW), consists of a meeting between the Heads of State, of a protocolary nature with the signing of bilateral instruments. Credit: Fotoholica Press Agency/Alamy Live News

The shadow of Soeharto’s past now seems to loom over the nation, threatening the civilian supremacy we fought so hard to establish.

Last Wednesday marked the 27th anniversary of a pivotal moment in Indonesian history. On 21 May 1998, the nation demonstrated its collective power by forcing Soeharto to end his 32-year authoritarian rule.

This milestone achievement, which The Jakarta Post recorded in its memorable headline “I QUIT”, paved the way for Indonesia to become the world’s third-largest democracy in less than a decade. However, the shadow of Soeharto’s past now seems to loom over the nation, threatening the civilian supremacy we fought so hard to establish.

Just one year after Soeharto’s fall from grace, Indonesia surprised the world with its first democratic elections, which were held in a free and peaceful manner. This commitment to democracy deepened in 2004 with the adoption of direct presidential elections, followed a year later by direct regional head elections.

Indonesia stands as a remarkable example, likely the only predominantly Muslim nation that has consistently proven Islam’s compatibility with even the most sophisticated democratic systems. In many other Islamic nations, democracy remains fragile or is even suppressed in the name of religion.

Indonesia now confronts the danger of a complete reversal in its democratic trajectory. While in 1998, the military was largely seen as the primary cause of political and economic instability, a growing number of civilians now view the Indonesian Military (TNI) as a potential saviour amid rising frustration with civilian governments at both central and regional levels.

However, the public must remember that any return of the military to public life should be for limited and ad hoc purposes. We must acknowledge that Indonesia’s largely Army-centric military currently faces no significant external security or defence threats. As an archipelagic nation, the Navy and Air Force should naturally play more strategic roles.

It is unrealistic to expect the military to simply remain in their barracks when they have little to do. So, what is a solution that upholds the strict principle of civilian supremacy while being acceptable to all?

The public is increasingly weary of seemingly rampant abuses of power by state officials and political elites. They are also fed up with the corrupt and abusive behaviour of the police. Consequently, many desire the military to step out of the barracks and reengage in social-political affairs.

President Prabowo Subianto, a former son-in-law of Soeharto, has repeatedly pledged to strictly abide by the Constitution, including upholding democracy. We trust the president’s commitment, and we believe his government will be stable, given that his ruling coalition controls more than 80% of the House of Representatives.

The end of Soeharto’s regime remains an unforgettable event for Prabowo, as just three months after the former’s resignation, Prabowo himself was dismissed from the military. Furthermore, Prabowo has often been linked to atrocities, including the abduction of government critics, although his case was never brought to justice.

The sweeping reforms removed the military’s privileges, recognising that Soeharto had used the institution to cling to power. In 2004, the House of Representatives passed the TNI Law, primarily outlining its duties for external security and defence, with tight restrictions on military personnel holding civilian positions.

However, in February this year, the House endorsed a revision of this law that allows the military to reclaim some of its old power. The government insists that the revised TNI Law only focuses on three main issues: expanding military operations other than war, increasing civilian posts that can be held by active TNI personnel and changing soldiers’ mandatory retirement age. This assurance, however, has not been enough to quell public scepticism.

After nearly three decades, there are convincing signs of the state’s temptation to revert to the Soeharto era, when stability was the currency. The election of Prabowo, in particular, has clearly become a significant moment for the military to potentially regain lucrative power in social-political affairs.

Twenty-seven years ago, Soeharto stepped down after nationwide protests. May the day serve as a clarion call to the nation, reminding us all that we must never abandon the vibrant tapestry of democracy which was woven with our blood and tears.

Republished from The Jakarta Post, 21 May 2025

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Release four Papuan political activists in Sorong who were arrested on charges of treason

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Responding to the arrest and determination of suspects in a treason case against four political activists who are members of the Federal Republic of West Papua (NFRPB) by the Police in Sorong City and the loss of civilian lives in armed violence in Intan Jaya, Deputy Director of Amnesty International Indonesia, Wirya Adiwena, said:

“The criminalization of the four Papuan political activists shows that the state continues to repress the rights to freedom of expression, opinion and assembly of indigenous Papuans. They were arrested only for peacefully conveying their political aspirations by visiting the West Papua government offices without using violence.

Peaceful expression is guaranteed by the Constitution and is not a criminal act. Peaceful political aspirations are also not hate speech as alleged by the police. Law enforcement officers are also again using accusations of treason to silence the political expression of Papuans, even though they should understand that such expression is part of human rights protected by Article 28E of the 1945 Constitution.

The police in Sorong City must immediately release the four people unconditionally. Every citizen, including indigenous Papuans, must not be criminalized just for expressing opinions or making legitimate political demands, including voicing disappointment with the state regarding the conflict in their region.

Not only that, we also condemn the loss of life and injuries to civilians, as well as hundreds of people displaced, after the operation carried out by security forces in Intan Jaya on May 13, 2025. There must be a thorough investigation into the loss of civilian lives in the incident. Likewise, there must be a sharp reflection on the placement of security forces in Papua which has so far resulted in casualties, both indigenous Papuans, non-Papuans, including the security forces themselves.”

Background

The Chief of the Sorong City Police, Southwest Papua, on May 5 announced the arrest and determination of suspects in a treason case against four people with the initials AGG, PR, MS, and NM. They are known as administrators of the Federal State of the Republic of West Papua (NFRPB).

Media reports said the suspects allegedly visited the Sorong Mayor’s Office, the West Papua Governor’s Office, the West Papua Papua People’s Assembly (MRP) Office, the West Papua Police’s Water Police Directorate, and the Sorong City Police on April 14 to deliver a letter from the NRFPB president regarding an invitation to peace talks. During the visit, they also allegedly called for ‘Papua independence.’

The police have also questioned five witnesses and secured 18 documents related to the NFRPB organization, including uniforms resembling police and military attributes, as well as the organization’s membership identification.

The four suspects were charged with treason and hate speech articles, namely Article 106 of the Criminal Code in conjunction with Article 187 of the Criminal Code in conjunction with Article 53 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code and/or Article 45 Letter A paragraph (2) in conjunction with Article 28 paragraph (2) of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 1 of 2024 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 11 of 2024 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions in conjunction with Article 55 paragraph (1) to 1 and/or in conjunction with Article 56 paragraph (1) to 1 of the Criminal Code. For these articles, the suspects face a sentence of 20 years in prison or even life imprisonment.

Meanwhile, regarding the latest violence in Papua, the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI) received a report from the Kemah Injil Church that a military operation had taken place in the early hours of Tuesday, May 13, 2025, in three villages in Intan Jaya Regency, Central Papua. The military operation is said to have targeted civilian settlements and resulted in fatalities and injuries among residents.

At least three civilians were reported to have died. In addition, a seven-year-old child and an adult woman suffered injuries from shrapnel. Then as many as 950 congregation members from 13 churches were reported to have fled shortly after the shooting.

Amnesty International does not take any position on the political status of any province in Indonesia, including their calls for independence. However, in our opinion, freedom of expression includes the right to peacefully express one’s political views or solutions.

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TPNPB-OPM Accuses Indonesian Military of Planting Mine Bombs on Corpses of Its Members

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The TNI Headquarters stated that the TPNPB-OPM’s accusations were a way to discredit the TNI and seek world sympathy.

May 16, 2025 | 15.55 WIB

TEMPO.CO, Jakarta – The West Papua National Liberation Army of the Free Papua Movement (TPNPB OPM) accused the Indonesian military of planting a landmine bomb on the body of a TPNPB OPM soldier. Previously, the soldier was killed in a shootout between them and Indonesian military forces.

“The victim’s body was planted with a landmine bomb by the Indonesian government military, but the TPNPB troops did not know about it,” said TPNPB OPM spokesman Sebby Sambom in a written statement on Friday, May 16, 2025.

The mine bomb then exploded right when the evacuation of the bodies was carried out. As a result, two TPNPB OPM members who were helping to evacuate the victims were killed in the incident.

“During the evacuation, the mine bomb that was installed exploded and resulted in two TPNPB members being killed and two other members being injured,” said Sebby.

According to Sebby, the three TPNPB OPM soldiers who died were Gus Kogoya, Notopinus Lawiya, and Kanis Kogoya. Meanwhile, those who suffered minor injuries due to bomb fragments included Tinus Wonda and Dnu-Dnu Seperti.

“The injured are currently at the TPNPB headquarters to undergo medical treatment,” he said.

Previously, armed contact between the TPNPB OPM and the Indonesian military occurred since around 05.00 in the morning on Tuesday, May 13, 2025. Sebby claimed that the armed contact occurred after the Indonesian military launched an operation and shot civilians in Titigi Village, Ndugusiga Village, Jaindapa Village, Sugapa Lama Village, and Zanamba Village.

The Indonesian National Armed Forces Headquarters has dismissed allegations by the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) regarding the use of explosives in an operation in Sugapa District, Intan Jaya Regency, Papua, last Wednesday, May 14, 2025.

Head of the TNI Headquarters Information Center, Major General Kristomei Sianturi, said that soldiers from the Habema Task Force did not use explosives or plant mines during the operation.

“That is OPM propaganda to discredit the TNI and seek world sympathy that the TNI is committing human rights violations in Papua,” said Kristomei when contacted on Friday, May 16, 2025. According to him, the TPNPB-OPM’s accusations and negative narratives against the TNI are nothing new. This is because this action is often carried out to attract world attention.

Tempo has tried to confirm this with the Head of the Cartenz 2025 Peace Operation Brigadier General Faizal Ramadhani and the Head of Information for the Cendrawasih XVII Military Command Lieutenant Colonel Candra Kurniawan. However, until this news was written, there had been no response.

Andi Adam Faturahman contributed to the writing of this article

Don’t stir Semar – He seeks harmony 

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https://johnmenadue.com/post/2025/05/dont-stir-semar-he-seeks-harmony/

Ancient Javanese mythology, often inherited from India and adapted to fit local culture, is rich with striking characters in the wayang kulit shadow puppet theatre. The fat-gut wise clown Semar is charged with maintaining stability.Shadow Puppet of Semar. Contributor: YA/BOT / Alamy Stock Photo Image ID: 2HWMM88

This mirrors Anthony Albanese’s zip-in-and-out visit to Jakarta. The prime minister came with the doctrine, made famous by Paul Keating in 1994, to tell President Prabowo Subianto that “there is no country more important to Australia than Indonesia”.  

Keating may have thought it true – the electorate knows it’s not.

Albanese is being polite by meeting Prabowo and getting a hotel visit that was “warm”. Government PR has a limited temperature range for such events. There was much flag waving by the hire-a-parade service – but that’s a standard Jakarta welcome for VIPs.

Here’s the cold front that Albanese hasn’t addressed: In 2023 the Lowy Institute asked: Do Australians and Indonesians trust each other?

“Australian attitudes towards Indonesia have been — at best — lukewarm. And at worst, they betray a lurking suspicion.

“Only 12% of Australians nominated Indonesia as Australia’s ‘best friend in Asia’ – fewer than Japan, India and Singapore.”

If Albanese and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade have read the Lowy surveys, there’s little sign they’re clearing out the threadbare cliches for an Op Shop. Melbourne Uni Prof Tim Lindsey has written:

“Indonesia and Australia have almost nothing in common other than the accident of geographic proximity. This makes their relationship turbulent, volatile and often unpredictable.”

With this talkfest, all was predictable. Much of the reporting reads as though it’s been assembled using AI – such is the lack of mainstream media expertise in the region.

Security, trade and defence were the leads, though there were few proposals to effect change. The Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement is a bipartisan deal signed in 2020 after 10 years of negotiation.

It was supposed to improve two-way trade. Apart from adding university outposts, it’s failed to meet diversity goals, remaining a dealer in bulk – mainly meat and grains, heading from us to them. Albanese urged Oz Biz to show greater ambition, but the big problem is in Indonesia.

Explained The Jakarta Post: “Indonesia’s ambition to attract world-class investment is being quietly sabotaged, not by interest rates or the threat of US trade tariffs, but by the familiar menace of thuggery and extortion.

“From street-level rackets to entrenched mafia control of parking, freight and food markets, criminal coercion continues to drain business confidence, inflate costs and corrode the very rule of law that investors depend on.”

Now add numbers – 11 of them to one of us. Stir in the Red Threat – phantom Russian bombers scouting for a base in West Papua leading to nuclear strikes on Kirribilli. This beat-up was refuelled at the leaders’ media conference, though the hollow story has long been trashed by Jakarta.

The chance to raise serious issues in the relationship was missed. That was wrong. Likewise, the whitewashing of Prabowo, 73. To be informed world citizens, Australians need to know more of the ruler next door.

He now gets benign labels like “retired general” or “former army general and defence minister”. The full story is that in 1998, he was cashiered, fled into exile in Jordan and banned from the US and Australia for alleged human rights abuses and war crimes.

He denies the charges, which come from putting down dissident movements in East Timor and West Papua, and the kidnapping and disappearance of Jakarta students protesting for democracy in 1998. The BBC described him as “tainted”.

Through his recorded statements, the man comes across as a bombastic autocrat and a bit loony. Like Trump, he inflates nonsense: “In other countries they have made studies where the Republic of Indonesia has been declared no more in 2030.”

The source turned out to be the US Sci Fi novel Ghost Fleet.

Leaders can’t select neighbours. Had Albanese washed his shaken hands, all diplomacy would have gone down the gurgler with the blood.

Our Catholic prime minister would have missed the kiddy flag wavers and dashed for Rome ahead of the inaugural Papal mass.

He reportedly plans to ask the new pontiff to visit Australia in 2028 – an invite not offered to the divorced Prabowo.

DFAT knows he wouldn’t be cheered like his predecessor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. He and his wife Iriana were hosted by Malcolm Turnbull in 2017 and enjoyed jolly blusukan – impromptu public walkabouts.

People-to-people ties are a key – but there’s little chance of that until we stop discriminating against Indonesians.

Malaysians and Singaporeans get free Electronic Travel Authority visas online – a facility not available to Indonesians who have to pay $195 per person and lodge a printed form. That could be changed at the admin level, and be a useful present for Albanese to offer.

Another would be the so-called Backpacker (Working Holiday) Visas. There are almost 5000 available to Indonesians but the quota isn’t full, probably because the rules — which include having $5000, a big sum for many applicants — are onerous.

There are no caps on the numbers of British passport holders.

Making it easier for young Indonesians to travel and earn would help lift cultural knowledge – and could be done without recourse to Parliament or arousing the Murdoch media.

Only one politician’s comment moved the dial from discussion to detail. David Shoebridge raised the plight of Hazara refugees stuck in Indonesia when Kevin Rudd struck the 1 July 2013 cut-off date for asylum-seekers.

Said the Greens Senator: “Labor previously opposed this policy because of its unfairness, but did nothing about it during the last Parliament; now is the time.”

The Hazara are not economic refugees and few are failed boat people; they are escapees from Sunni Taliban persecution largely because they are Shi’a Muslims. Many helped Australian troops as interpreters and guides during our 2001-2021 involvement in the war against the Taliban.

Prabowo and most Muslims next door are Sunni. In loose detention, the Shi’a are barely tolerated and unwelcome.

There are about 42,000 Hazara in Australia and about 7600 stranded in Indonesia – a state that hasn’t signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention.

In the wayang shadow theatre, Semar often takes a more realistic view of the world as opposed to the idealistic. Just the guy to help improve the talks of two leaders from cultures far apart.

Duncan Graham

 Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java. ————————————————————

Indigenous Papuans look to the new pope with hopes

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 By Ryan Dagur, 16 May 2025

Pope Francis did not visit the Christian-majority region of Papua during his Asia tour last September; however, his concerns and gestures regarding the plight of Papuans have provided them with a renewed perspective on the Church.

The first Jesuit and the first Latin American pope, during his 12-year papacy, achieved something that no other pope has done for the Papuans, the Christian-majority indigenous people of the western half of New Guinea Island, which is part of Indonesia.

Pope Francis became popular among Papuans as they began to see him as a champion for the cause of poor, marginalized, and oppressed people like them worldwide. They expect the next pope to follow in his footsteps.

Papuans expect the next pope to build on Pope Francis’ two actions, which have left an indelible mark on their conflict-torn region, regarded as the most underdeveloped part of Indonesia.

In a historic first, Francis appointed two native Papuan priests as bishops — Yanuarius Teofilus Matopai You of Jayapura in 2022 and Bernardus Bofitwos Baru of Timika — just two months before his death.

The appointments followed years of demand for native bishops in the region, where the Catholic faith arrived more than a century ago.

The demand has grown louder in recent years, as many Papuan Catholics feel that their bishops from other parts of Indonesia, and even the Vatican, do not care enough about their aspirations, plight, and challenges.

Most Indonesian bishops assigned to Papua have remained silent about human rights violations and social injustices in light of the Indonesian government’s apparent disregard for Papuans’ rights.

The violations are linked to the government’s efforts to suppress the Free Papua Movement, which has persisted in the region since the 1960s and advocates for self-determination.

Baru, a leading rights activist advocating for an end to violence between security forces and armed rebels in Papua, is scheduled to be ordained as bishop on May 15.

The Papuans felt abandoned as the local Church hierarchy, based in the Indonesian capital, consistently aligned with the government.

“The official stance of the Catholic Church on the Papua issue is very clear, namely to support the government’s stance, because it is guaranteed by international law,” the hierarchy’s de facto head, Cardinal Ignatius Suharyo Hardjoatmodjo of Jakarta, said once.

A recent example is Archbishop Petrus Canisius Mandagi of Merauke supporting the controversial state-backed food projects in southern Papua, despite the Papuans’ rejection of the initiative. The projects reportedly aim to seize land from Indigenous people, including members of the archdiocese.

Francis’ visit to Asia last September marked a second defining moment for Papuans and offers lessons for the Indonesian hierarchy and the heads of the Vatican bureaus.

Many Papuans believe that Francis expressed his love for the indigenous people by visiting Vanimo in Papua New Guinea, just across the border from Indonesian Papua. This visit enabled many Papuans to cross the border to see the pope.

Francis’ visit to Indonesia did not include a stopover in Papua or even mention Papua, apparently due to the insistence of Indonesian bishops, who did not want to upset the government.

Papuans who could not afford the flight to Jakarta to see the pope found Vanimo to be the closest place where they could meet him. He chose Vanimo to feel the pulse of the Papuans.

He also did not upset the Muslim-majority Indonesia, where he was widely popular for fostering Christian-Muslim harmony, a hallmark of his pontificate.

Francis proved that church leaders can find ways to understand and communicate with their marginalized communities, even if exploitative systems attempt to block them.

The tragedy is that Indonesian bishops remain confined within their narrow nationalistic views, which prevent them from recognizing Papuans as equal individuals and Christians deserving of dignity and rights.

The Papuan Church, which has long been dominated by Indonesian clergy, has done little to protest the state’s exploitation of this resource-rich region’s forests and minerals, disregarding the fundamental rights of Papuans to live on their land.

Just as Francis stood for the rights and dignity of the poor and oppressed, the new leader of the Church has a responsibility to confront the timidity of the Indonesian hierarchy, who believe that supporting the oppressed would make them targets of the state.

The Vatican must also support the two native Papuan bishops in representing their Papuan Catholics without permitting them to be overshadowed by the other 36 non-Papuan bishops in the country.

With thanks to Union of Catholic Asian (UCA) News and Ryan Dagur, where this article originally appeared.

Fiji rights coalition slams ‘betrayal’ of West Papua for Indonesian benefits

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By APR editor – 

May 17, 2025

By Anish Chand in Suva

The NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji . . . campaigning also against colonisation and for justice in Kanaky, Palestine and West Papua. Image: FWCC/File

Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Fiji’s coalition government are “detached from the values that Fijians hold dear”, says the NGO Coalition on Human Rights in Fiji (NGOCHR).

The rights coalition has expressed deep concern over Rabuka’s ongoing engagements with Indonesia.

“History will judge how we respond as Fijians to this moment. We must not stay silent when Pacific people are being occupied and killed,” said NGOCHR chair Shamima Ali.

“Is Fiji’s continuing silence on West Papua yet another example of being muzzled by purse strings?”

“As members of the Melanesian and Pacific family, bound by shared ancestry and identity, the acceptance of financial and any other benefit from Indonesia—while remaining silent on the plight of West Papua—is a betrayal of our family member and of regional solidarity.”

“True leadership must be rooted in solidarity, justice, and accountability,” Ali said.

“It is imperative that Pacific leaders not only advocate for peace and cooperation in the region but also continue to hold Indonesia to account on ongoing human rights violations in West Papua.”

Republished from The Fiji Times with permission.

West Papuan intergenerational storytelling project recognised in Victorian Community History Awards

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PROGRAM: NESIA DAILY 

 23h ago

https://www.abc.net.au/pacific/programs/nesia-daily/kal-angam-kal-recognised-in-victorian-community-history-awards/105182902?utm_content=link&utm_medium=content_shared

Audio 17 min.click on the ABC link above to hear the audio

Presented by   Jacob McQuire   Emily Nguyen-Hunt

In January 2006, 43 West Papuans arrived in Australia by boat seeking asylum. 

Within months, all were granted protection visas and have lived in exile in Melbourne ever since. 

At the time, their arrival sparked diplomatic tensions between Australia and Indonesia, drawing global attention to Australia’s position on human rights abuses in the Asia-Pacific region.

Years on, a community-led project called Kal Angam-Kal: Stories of West Papua – spearheaded by Cyndi Makabory, Yasbelle Kerkow, and Florence Tupuola, shows young West Papuans interviewing Elders from that group of 43. Some even hearing about their own parents’ journey for the first time. 

Since first exhibiting in 2023, Kal Angam-Kal was recently a Commendation Recipient in the 2024 Victorian Community History Awards.

Nesia Daily spoke with Cyndi Makabory and project participant, Mariana Korwa about the power of intergenerational storytelling and what Kal Angam-Kal means to their community. 

 Credits  Jacob McQuire, Presenter 

Emily Nguyen-Hunt , Presenter

Indonesia food plan risks ‘world’s largest’ deforestation

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 by Marchio Gorbiano with Sara Hussein in Bangkok

An Indonesian soldier gives a thumbs up as he crosses a rice field on a combine harvester in remote Papua, where a government food security mega-project has raised fears of mass deforestation.

Keen to end its reliance on rice imports, Indonesia wants to plant vast tracts of the crop, along with sugar canefor biofuel, in the restive eastern region.

But environmentalists warn it could become the world’s largest deforestation project, threatening endangered species and Jakarta’s climate commitments.

And activists fear the scheme will fuel rights violations in a region long plagued by alleged military abuses as a separatist insurgency rumbles on.

The project’s true scale is hard to ascertain; even government statements vary.

At a minimum, however, it aims to plant several million hectares of rice and sugar cane across South Papua province’s Merauke. One million hectares is around the size of Lebanon.

Deforestation linked to the plan is already under way.

By late last year, more than 11,000 hectares had been cleared—an area larger than Paris—according to Franky Samperante of environmental and Indigenous rights NGO Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat.

That figure has only increased, according to analysis by campaign group Mighty Earth and conservation start-up The TreeMap.

Their work shows areas cleared include primary and secondary natural dryland and swamp forest, as well as secondary mangrove forest, savanna and bush.

“Usually, deforestation is a product of government not doing its job,” said Mighty Earth chief executive Glenn Hurowitz.

“But in this case, it’s actually the state saying we want to clear some of our last remaining forests, carbon-rich peatlands, habitat for rare animals,” he told AFP.

Indonesia’s government says the land targeted is degraded, already cultivated or in need of “optimization,” dismissing some areas as little more than swamps.

‘Tragedy’

Environmentalists argue that misunderstands the local ecosystem.

“In South Papua, the landscape and the ecosystem is lowland forest,” said Samperante.

“There are often misconceptions or even belittling” of these ecosystems, he added.

Mapping done by Mighty Earth shows the project threatens a broader ecosystem range—including peatlands and forests the group says should be protected by a government moratorium on clearing.

“The tragedy in this project,” said Hurowitz, “is that Indonesia has made so much progress in breaking the link between agricultural expansion and deforestation.”

“Unfortunately, this single project threatens to undermine all progress.”

Indonesia has some of the world’s highest deforestation rates and Papua retains some of the largest remaining untouched tracts.

Indonesian think-tank CELIOS says cutting down so much forest could derail Jakarta’s plan to reach net-zero by 2050.

For President Prabowo Subianto’s government, criticism of the project ignores Indonesia’s agricultural and economic realities.

He has made the scheme a priority, visiting soon after taking office.

In January, he said the country was on track to end rice imports by late 2025, and reiterated its energy independence needs.

The agriculture ministry did not respond to AFP’s request for comment.

In Papua, planting is in full swing. In the region’s Kaliki district, AFP saw farmers supported by soldiers tending rice paddies in recently-cleared land.

“This location used to be like the one on the right here. Non-productive and neglected land,” said Ahmad Rizal Ramdhani, a soldier serving as the agriculture ministry’s food resilience taskforce chief, at an event lauding the project.

That characterization is disputed by Mighty Earth’s satellite analysis, which found that at least two areas in the region cleared for rice overlap with government-designated peatland.

Indonesia’s military is heavily involved in the project.

Local farmer Yohanis Yandi Gebze told AFP soldiers gave him “tools, agricultural equipment and machinery” for rice cultivation.

Speaking not far from Ramdhani’s event, he praised the military.

“I see them cooperating with the people very well,” he said.

‘Cannot refuse’

Others say that is only part of the story.

Indonesia officially seized Papua, a former Dutch colony, in a widely criticized but UN-backed vote in 1969.

It has since been accused of abuses in a decades-long separatist conflict in the region.

“The community feels intimidated,” said Dewanto Talubun, executive director at Merauke-based environmental and rights group Perkumpulan Harmoni Alam Papuana.

“Not all members of the community agree with this project, and they cannot directly refuse,” he told AFP.

Samperante too reported local fears.

“Almost every day a human rights violation occurs,” he said.

The defense ministry told AFP the military had the resources and “high discipline” to accelerate the food project while securing “stability and security” in the region.

However, there are significant doubts about the project’s viability.

“Soils in Merauke are likely too acidic and the climate too extreme… to grow rice,” said David Gaveau, founder of The TreeMap.

He warned that draining Merauke’s wetlands for agriculture risks turning the area “into a tinder box”—a fate seen elsewhere in Indonesia.

Critics do not dispute Jakarta’s food security needs, but said crops should be grown elsewhere on abandoned agricultural land.

“It should be done in places that are capable of absorbing it,” said Hurowitz.

“Without destroying Indonesia’s gorgeous, beautiful natural heritage and community lands.”

© 2025 AFP

Education crisis in West Papua: multiple districts face serious challenges

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In several districts across West Papua, educational services are facing severe disruptions, with thousands of students unable to access basic education. Recent reports from multiple locations highlight a troubling pattern of abandoned schools, absent teachers, and students left without educational opportunities.

Three-year shutdown at SD Inpres Kurima

In Obolma, Kurima District, Yahukimo Regency of Papua Highlands Province, the SD Inpres Kurima elementary school (see image) has not conducted any teaching or learning activities for over three years, from 2022 to 2025. The school grounds are now overgrown with grass, and the building has deteriorated due to neglect.

On March 24, 2025, alumni of SD Inpres Kurima and parents of affected students staged a spontaneous protest at the school premises. “We held a meeting with parents and took spontaneous action in response to our school’s deplorable condition,” said Albert Siep, coordinator of the protest.

According to Siep, the school principal has been consistently absent, choosing to stay in Dekai, the capital of Yahukimo Regency, rather than fulfilling duties at the school. As a result, teachers have stopped conducting classes, leaving students stranded.

“Since 2022, approximately three years of elementary students haven’t been able to study. They can’t even progress to junior high or high school. They’ve become victims. Children are neglected and don’t receive proper education,” Siep explained.

Ironically, the Educational Basic Data (DAPODIK) from the Directorate General of Early Childhood, Primary and Secondary Education shows the school supposedly has 352 students for the 2024/2025 academic year, consisting of 203 males and 149 females, with 12 teaching staff and appropriate facilities. Historical data shows varying numbers of students and staff since 2022, suggesting ongoing operations that parents and alumni claim haven’t actually occurred.

The protestors are demanding that the Yahukimo Regency Education Department replace the school principal immediately to restore educational services.

Healthcare and education crisis in Kiyura

In Iwaka District, particularly in Kiyura Village and nine surrounding villages in Mimika Regency, dozens of school-age children are completely deprived of both healthcare and educational services. This was revealed during a visit by Nancy Natalia Raweyai, a member of the Central Papua Provincial Parliament, during her recess visit on March 20, 2025.

The situation is particularly alarming given that Mimika Regency reportedly allocates approximately 1 trillion rupiah annually for education. According to gathered data, dozens of children in these villages were born without medical assistance, received no immunisations, and have reached school age without access to education.

Until recently, children in these ten villages had never received formal education. A school previously built by the government in a palm oil plantation area ceased operations due to the absence of teachers. According to residents, “Teachers only show up when children are supposed to take exams, and then the teachers fill out the exams themselves. The children never actually learn.”

Only in the past few days have 52 children started attending a free school established by GBI Papua Centrum (Pace) church, where they are taught by two teachers sent by the church. These children are divided into just two categories: those aged 5-6 years and those above 6 years. Without following any formal curriculum, they are starting from scratch, learning letters and numbers.

Transportation between villages is also a major issue, as the distances along the Trans Nabire Road are considerable. Children attempting to reach school often have to hitch rides on company trucks that transport timber.

Educational activities paralysed in Puncak Jaya

In Puncak Jaya Regency of Central Papua Province, educational activities have been severely disrupted due to conflict between supporters of different district head candidates following the 2024 local elections. The Student and Scholar Community of Puncak Jaya (KMPPJ) in Jayapura has urged the Puncak Jaya Regency Government to take concrete steps to address the plight of 12th-grade students in high schools and vocational schools who cannot attend classes.

During a press conference on March 7, 2025, KMPPJ Treasurer Herlin Wonda stated, “Education, economy, and security sectors are not functioning properly. We are particularly concerned about the 12th-grade students who are supposed to take exams in the coming months.”

As a solution, KMPPJ is asking the Puncak Jaya Education Department to pass 12th-grade students unconditionally due to the extraordinary circumstances.

Nepron Enumbi, representing senior KMPPJ members, explained that the situation in Puncak Jaya remains unstable, with residents still taking refuge in three locations: the Mulia Puncak Jaya Classis Meeting Hall, Puncak Jaya Police Headquarters, and the 1714 Puncak Jaya Military District Command complex.

Human rights activist Lince Tabuni criticized the situation, suggesting it was deliberately orchestrated by certain interested parties. Tabuni expressed particular concern about the psychological impact on students and the risk of malnutrition in evacuation centres, where people are surviving primarily on instant noodles.

Military Intelligence Raising Concerns

Adding to these educational challenges, a recent letter from the Military District Command (Kodim) 1707/Merauke has requested data on Papuan students studying in various cities and those affiliated with regional student organisations from Merauke Regency. This request, based on the intelligence/security work program of Kodim 1707/Merauke for the 2025 fiscal year, has raised legal questions about military authority to collect personal data from civilians.

Under Indonesian law, every action by state institutions, including the military, must have a clear legal basis. So far, there appears to be no regulation explicitly authorising military institutions to request students’ personal data. Additionally, according to Law No. 34 of 2004 concerning the Indonesian National Army, the military’s primary duties in national defence do not include direct collection of civilian data except under specific circumstances regulated by law.

The situation highlights the complex challenges facing education in West Papua, where traditional educational problems are compounded by security concerns, military involvement, and ongoing regional conflicts.