Indonesian forestry minister proposes 20m hectares of deforestation for crops

HANS NICHOLAS JONG 9 JAN 2025 ASIA

  • Indonesia’s forestry minister says 20 million hectares (50 million acres) of forest can be converted to grow food and biofuel crops, or an area twice the size of South Korea.
  • Experts have expressed alarm over the plan, citing the potential for massive greenhouse gas emissions and loss of biodiversity.
  • They also say mitigating measures that the minister has promised, such as the use of agroforestry and the involvement of local communities, will have limited impact in such a large-scale scheme.
  • The announcement coincides with the Indonesian president’s call for an expansion of the country’s oil palm plantations, claiming it won’t result in deforestation because oil palms are also trees.

JAKARTA — An Indonesian government plan to clear forests spanning an area twice the size of South Korea for food and biofuel crops has sparked fears of massive greenhouse gas emissions and biodiversity loss.

The country’s forestry minister, Raja Juli Antoni, announced on Dec. 30, 2024, that his office had identified forest areas spanning 20 million hectares (50 million acres) for potential conversion into “food and energy estates.”

The announcement triggered an immediate backlash, as similar food estate programs in the past have failed, often leaving a legacy of environmental destruction. Indonesia has the world’s third-largest expanse of tropical rainforest, after Brazil and the Democratic Republic of Congo, and such a vast amount of deforestation would deal a major blow to global efforts of limiting global warming, said Amalya Reza Oktaviani, bioenergy campaign manager at the NGO Trend Asia.

The clearing of 20 million hectares of forests could release up to 22 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide, equivalent to the annual emissions from nearly 5,300 coal-fired power plants.

“This [food and energy estate plan] shows how the government doesn’t have a commitment to reforest and rehabilitate natural forests,” Amalya said. “In reality, we don’t have the luxury of deforesting amid the climate crisis.”

Yet the plan aligns with the platform of President Prabowo Subianto, who has prioritized achieving both food and energy self-sufficiency as cornerstones of his administration. Since his election campaign in late 2023 and early 2024, Prabowo has emphasized the need for Indonesia to achieve sovereignty in these critical sectors to bolster economic resilience and national security.

Over decades, unbridled agricultural expansion has already destroyed vast swaths of Indonesia’s rainforests, turning the country into a significant global emitter of greenhouse gases. From 2013 to 2022, Indonesia ranked as the world’s second-largest emitter from land-use change, contributing 20% of global land-use emissions.

Agroforestry claims

In response to criticism, Forestry Minister Raja said the government would minimize deforestation by implementing agroforestry, a system where crop cultivation is interspersed among trees. Potential crops include rice and sugar palms, which, Raja said, would allow for sustainable food production.

“By planting various trees [together with food and energy crops], our forests can provide food self-sufficiency through a very sustainable system,” he said at his office in Jakarta on Jan. 6.

Studies suggest agroforestry can help maintain tree cover and wildlife habitats; examples from places like Brazil suggest it can improve farmer livelihood and slow down forest loss. Agroforestry can also help maintain tree cover and wildlife habitat, particularly in regions where agriculture is a major driver of deforestation.

However, critics say that at the scale that the Indonesian government wants to expand its crop estate, agroforestry alone will be insufficient to prevent large-scale deforestation. Agroforestry only works if forest cover is retained, according to Herry Purnomo, a senior scientist at the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR)If forests are cleared for crops, then even under an agroforestry system this loss of intact forests would contribute to biodiversity loss and emissions, he said.

“My hope is that intact forests are not cut down and replaced with rice fields,” Herry, who is also a professor at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture (IPB), told Mongabay.

Secondary forests ‘not expendable’

A key uncertainty remains about the Ministry of Forestry’s plan: where are the 20 million hectares of forest it’s targeting for the food and biofuel crops?

The ministry has indicated it will prioritize abandoned or idle forestry concessions, known by the Indonesian acronym PBPH. These include selective logging concessions that the ministry says no longer contain primary forest.

Ade Tri Ajikusumah, head of the ministry’s planning department, said approximately 20 million hectares of Indonesia’s 37 million hectares (91 million acres) of forestry concessions are inactive.

“That’s what we use for agroforestry, so there’s no land clearing,” he told Mongabay.

Since these concessions have already been logged in the past, they no longer contain old-growth, or primary, forest, defined as forests that haven’t been damaged by human activity and thus are some of the densest and most ecologically significant forests on Earth, Ade said.

However, critics contend that even idle concessions can still contain significant forest cover. Greenpeace Indonesia forest campaigner Sekar Banjaran Aji pointed out that there were still 18.9 million hectares (47 million acres) of natural forests within forestry concessions, including selective logging and industrial forest concessions, as of 2022.

“Nearly 20 million hectares of forestry concessions are still forested, which means there’s a high risk of deforestation” if those areas are then converted for the food and energy estates, she told Mongabay.

Selective logging concessions in particular typically have higher forest cover because companies only harvest timber from certain commercially valuable trees above a certain size, leaving much of the forest structure relatively undisturbed and allowing the logged forest to regenerate over time.

Ade said that even if the idle concessions are still forested, they’re likely to be forests that were previously logged and thus have been degraded, also known as secondary forest.

But not all secondary forests are heavily degraded, said Timer Manurung, director of Indonesian environmental NGO Auriga Nusantara. Many are still in good condition, with high carbon stock, lots of biodiversity, and still providing invaluable environmental services, he said.

“Secondary forests often have higher biodiversity than primary forests,” Timer told Mongabay. “Species like tigers, elephants and orangutans are abundant in these areas. The idea that secondary forests are expendable is a fatal misconception.”

Timer called on the government to protect all natural forests, including secondary forests within concessions, rather than differentiating them based on degradation status. He also called on the government to make it clear what criteria it uses to determine whether a concession is idle.

What crops?

Another question is what crops will be planted for the food and energy estates.

So far Raja has only mentioned rice and sugar palms as potential crops. Trend Asia’s Amalya said another likely candidate is oil palm, given that Indonesia is the world’s largest producer of palm oil. Past food estate programs also ended up planting oil palms, even though they were initially planned for rice, Amalya said.

Furthermore, Indonesia’s energy policy also promotes bioenergy, which focuses on palm oil-based biodiesel. Currently the country already uses the world’s highest proportion of palm oil in its biodiesel, and Prabowo has a plan to increase the blend with conventional diesel to 50%, known as B50, as early as this year.

But to produce enough palm oil to meet the B50 program need alone, the total planted area of oil palms will need to expand by up to three times the current size, which already covers 16 million hectares (40 million acres).

The potential inclusion of palm oil in the food and energy estate program has raised concerns among environmentalists, as oil palm plantations have historically been a significant driver of deforestation in the country. Over the past 20 years, these plantations accounted for one-third of Indonesia’s loss of old-growth forest — an area of 3 million hectares (7.4 million acres), or half the size of Belgium.

These concerns have been inflamed by recent comments from President Prabowo, who suggested that deforestation for palm oil expansion isn’t environmentally destructive.

“And I think in the future, we also need to plant more palm oil. We don’t need to be afraid of endangering — what’s it called — deforestation, right?” he said.

“Oil palms are trees, right? They have leaves, right?” he went on.

The expansion of palm oil for energy could spell disaster for Indonesia’s forests and contradict the country’s energy transition agenda to reduce emissions, Amalya said.

“The emissions from forest clearing, combined with those from burning palm oil for biofuel in transportation and biomass in power generation, will worsen the climate crisis,” she said. “In the energy sector, the government needs to revisit bioenergy policies, particularly those involving palm oil and wood-based feedstocks.”

Conflict risk

Besides deforestation risk, the plan to establish 20 million hectares of food and energy estates also poses a high risk of agrarian conflicts with local and Indigenous communities, Timer said.

The idle concessions identified by the Ministry of Forestry are likely to overlap with villages and areas already managed by communities, he said. “This will create conflicts with local communities.”

Amalya stressed the importance of completing forest boundary delineation to avoid such conflicts. As of December 2022, only 89% of Indonesia’s forest areas had been formally delineated. Without clear boundaries, the food and energy estate program could encroach on community lands or protected areas, Amalya said. As such, large-scale projects like this shouldn’t proceed until forest boundaries are fully delineated, she added.

Ade, whose department is in charge of the delineating process, acknowledged that delineation is a priority, adding that the physical mapping process is complete, with legal recognition pending.

Community involvement

Besides finishing the delineating process, the Ministry of Forestry will also include Indigenous and local communities in the food and energy estate plan through agroforestry to respect their rights, Ade said.

“We also need to collaborate with people through agroforestry and social forestry program [in establishing the food and energy estates],” he said.

Herry of CIFOR welcomed the inclusion of communities but questioned the feasibility at such a large scale.

“If the size [of the estates] is big, then the actors [involved] must be big as well,” Herry said. “How can communities manage 10,000 hectares [25,000 acres of land]? The ones who can manage 10,000 hectares are medium to large [corporations],” he said. This raises the risk of the government handing over management of these lands from communities to corporations, but Herry said the government has a duty to work with communities to build their capacity.

He and other experts agree that while agroforestry and community involvement are steps in the right direction, without robust safeguards, including transparency, the protection of all natural forests, clear boundary delineation and meaningful community participation, the program is bound to fail, much like previous food estate programs in Indonesia.

Alternative to crop expansion

In the mid-1990s, the government initiated a food estate project that sought to establish 1 million hectares (2.5 million acres) of rice plantations on peatlands across the Bornean province of Central Kalimantan to boost food security.

The project failed spectacularly, leaving behind a dried-out wasteland that burns on a large scale almost every year. Subsequent attempts to replicate the project in other regions, like the easternmost region of Papua, also ended in failure.

Given such high risks and a record of failures, parliament has urged the Ministry of Forestry to proceed carefully.

“The forestry minister should be cautious and not rush in making decisions. Do in-depth studies [first], invite academics and civil society in making a comprehensive plan where development is in line with forest conservation,” said Ahmad Yohan, a deputy head of the parliamentary commission that oversees environmental and agricultural issues. “Even if it’s for food and energy security, don’t sacrifice the forest.”

If the risks are too high, he said, the government should go back to the drawing board and seek other means of achieving food security without establishing new agricultural fields and clearing forests in the process.

For instance, the government could work with experts to increase the yield of existing agricultural fields through technology, Ahmad said. It could also improve farmers’ access to fertilizer, provide them with training, and modernize their agricultural equipment, he said.

“This way, achieving food security and self-sufficiency doesn’t require destroying forests to establish new plantations,” Ahmad said. “We can maximize the use of existing lands, improve the irrigation systems and the technology.”

Banner image: Forest near Rabia on the island of Waigeo in Raja Ampat, West Papua, Indonesia. Image by Rhett Ayers Butler/Mongabay.

Debunking deforestation

Indonesia’s new president, former disgraced general Prabowo Subianto, is making an awkward discovery:  gaining respect in the international community as head of a nation of 280 million civilians is not the same as ordering a special squad to intimidate.

You can’t force the masses to grow more food, work smarter and change habits – then expect no blow-back from the rest of the world if your policies endanger all.

Like Donald Trump promoting hydroxychloroquine and chloroquine as unverified COVID-19 cures, Prabowo suffers from the dictator’s delusion – that a ballot-box win (58%) turns a politician into a seer refuting established science.

At the end of December, he reportedly told delegates to a national development congress in Jakarta that more jungle should be cleared for palm oil plantations.  The address was broadcast:

“We don’t need to be afraid of endangering — what’s it called — deforestation, right?

“Oil palms are trees, right? They have leaves, right? They produce oxygen, absorb carbon dioxide. So why are we being accused (of deforestation)? Those things they say (about deforestation) don’t make any sense.”

Although there have been no threats against the existing plantations (how do foreign powers seize palms?), Prabowo has sprayed the zone with paranoia. His favourite colour is khaki, not green.

He’s ordered the military, the police and regional officials “to enhance security measures around palm oil plantations throughout Indonesia” because he reckons Indonesia’s palm oil commodities are being targeted.

“They (unspecified) really need our palm oil. It turns out that palm oil is a strategic material,” Prabowo told the planning meeting.  That’s not news – it has been an internationally important commodity for decades.

The British-based Gecko Project which claims to be a non-profit news agency tracing land use, reports that Prabowo’s net worth is US$133 million:

“In media profiles, he is reported as owning multiple companies involved in coal mining, forestry and other sectors …at a campaign event in January, he took a rival to task for underestimating the scale of the land over which he presides. “It’s not 340,000 hectares, it’s closer to 500,000 hectares.”

Fears of foreigners taking jobs, land and lifestyles is a standard theme in right-wing politicians’ playbooks almost everywhere – think Peter Dutton’s 2018 African gang violence comments keeping Victorians housebound.

In reality, Prabowo’s thundering is not about an armed invasion by 1.6 million fat gut Ozzies taking a break from boozing in Bali, but an economic assault. China has major stakes in nickel mines and smelters in Sulawesi and has lent the Republic more than US$27 billion so far.

Oil palms store carbon ineffectively, according to Dr Herry Purnomo, a professor at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture: “Forests store around 300 tons of CO2 per hectare, ten times more than oil palm plantations.”

Indonesia is the world’s top producer of palm oil used for cooking, cosmetics, jet fuel and industry.  The archipelago has 17.3 million hectares of plantations.

The total size of Java, the most heavily populated island in the archipelago, is 13.2 million hectares.

Millions of square kilometres of the country’s richly diverse jungles have been cleared in recent decades. Sumatra has lost 80% of its forest cover, and Kalimantan about 50%.  Your correspondent has travelled vast distances of horizon-to-horizon monoculture in East Kalimantan.

By December, Indonesian exports will be hit by the European Union’s anti-deforestation regulations if endorsed by the European Council.

Prabowo’s comments can be seen as an attempt to arouse local hostilities to the new law that “requires companies to demonstrate their products aren’t sourced to deforested land or land with forest degradation”.

In 2019, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo issued a permanent moratorium on forest clearance for palm plantations and logging.  It had little effect.

In 2023, it was reported that 30,000 hectares of pristine jungle had been bulldozed and burned for plantations, up from 22,000 hectares the previous year. Smoke pollution has infuriated nearby Malaysia and Singapore.

It’s not just the greenies getting stressed – investors with consciences are also turning twitchy. One international group claimed forest cover loss “significantly impacts the environment, biodiversity, and local communities. Deforestation leads to soil erosion (and) fertility”.

“The country is home to many endangered species, such as orangutans, tigers, and elephants. The loss of forests and habitat destruction threaten these species’ survival.

“(Clearing) also affects the livelihoods of local communities that rely on forests for food, medicine, and income.” In 2018, the Indonesian Ombudsman received more than 1000 complaints from communities, including indigenous people, against palm oil companies.

Felling threatens 193 species listed by the Switzerland-based International Union for the Conservation of Nature. These widely reported concerns appear to have ricochetted off Prabowo and left his plans to clear, grow and export largely unharmed, apart from sniping by NGOs.

Uli Arta Siagian from Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia  (Indonesian Forum for the Environment), founded in 1980, told the Straits Times that “the police and military in Indonesia had tended to side with palm oil companies embroiled in conflict with the local communities, and often used intimidation and violence against them”.

“What’s surprising is that the statement of palm oil not causing deforestation because it has leaves, was made by the president, who should have spoken based on science, knowledge, research and facts.”

But when you run the world’s fourth-largest nation and your devious reasoning gets reported by a largely supine media, why bother referencing sources?

Duncan Graham

Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.
Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

Related

Can you help Pearls and Irritations?

Civil groups condemn assault on West Papua activist  

A group of unidentified individuals attacked Papua environmental activist Sulvianto Alias on Friday midnight, with one of the suspects claiming to be a police officer, prompting calls from civil groups for the police to investigate the case thoroughly. News Desk (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Sun, December 22, 2024

C ivil society organizations have condemned the assault committed by an unidentified group on environmental activist Sulfianto Alias in Teluk Bintuni regency, West Papua, on Friday, with one of the perpetrators claiming to be a police officer. The assault took place when Sulvianto, who is also a coordinator of Panah Papua legal aid institute (LSM), was leaving a cafe in the regency at midnight. “Some people shouted at me in the parking lot. They later chased and beat me when I tried to flee to the café’s backyard,” the activist said on Friday, as quoted by kompas.com

 One of the assailants, who claimed to be a police officer, forced him to get onto an off-road motorcycle to take him to a police station. But they diverted to a forest near Tanah Merah village, where the gang continued to interrogate and beat him. During the assault, Sulvianto claimed that the attackers ordered him to unlock his phone. One of his friends, identified as Roy, called him.

“The assailants ordered me to answer the call and tell Roy that I was at home. But I told my friend that I was in Tanah Merah while moaning in pain,” Sulvianto said.

The perpetrators then moved him to another location, where they continued the assault, including using a rock and wooden stick.  The activist claimed that the assailants questioned whether he supported a certain political candidate in the regency. He denied having ties with any political figures, but the assailants kept beating him until they left him alone at 2 a.m. on Saturday. Sulvianto managed to walk to the main road and stopped a motorcyclist passing by to ask for help. He was taken to a hospital and later filed a report with the Teluk Bintuni Police.

Sulvianto and his group Panah Papua recently worked on a campaign against an oil palm company, as well as a national strategic project (PSN) producing fertilizer in West Papua. Environmental group the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI) condemned the incident, describing it as an example of the poor protection provided by the state for anyone voicing criticism against violent acts, which have been used to silence people fighting for justice. 

Sulvianto’s case is one more in the long list of abuse faced by environmental and human rights defenders, according to WALHI, with at least 1,131 individuals across the country assaulted or criminalized in the past 10 years. Only half of the cases were brought to court, with their trials ending in imprisonment. Some activists have even been murdered, such as Golfrid Siregar, an environmental lawyer who was found dead in North Sumatra in 2019. “These incidents show that the fight for our right to a healthy environment comes with a hefty price,” WALHI wrote in a statement on Saturday.


“We believe that a healthy environment is the right of every citizen. Therefore, every attempt to silence environmental defenders is a serious attack that cannot be left unpunished,” the group added, calling for the police to arrest all perpetrators and thoroughly investigate the case. A similar call for the police to solve the case was also raised by a group of 86 activists in a statement issued on Saturday. 

They also called for state officials and law enforcement institutions to protect environmental and human rights defenders and prevent similar violent acts from happening in the future, they said as reported by tribunnews.com. Teluk Bintuni Police have arrested five suspects in the case, as reported by local media. One suspect, identified only as LA, is a son of a candidate for Teluk Bintuni regent in November’s election, although the identity of the candidate has not been revealed. Another suspect, identified only as DAS, is a police officer. The suspects surrendered themselves on Friday evening, as reported by inews.id. Investigators said they would investigate the motive behind the assault. 

The assault took place a week after the government announced a plan to grant amnesty for around 44,000 convicts, including people jailed in provinces in Papua for criticizing the government. (kuk)

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Papuan women’s mangrove forest in Indonesia is increasingly threatened by development and pollution

On the southeastern coast of Jayapura city lies a mangrove forest where only women are permitted to enter

By EDNA TARIGAN and FIRDIA LISNAWATI – Associated Press 8 hrs ago 

JAYAPURA, Indonesia (AP) — On the southeastern coast of the city of Jayapura, Petronela Merauje walked from house to house in her floating village inviting women to join her the next morning in the surrounding mangrove forests.

Merauje and the women of her village, Enggros, practice the tradition of Tonotwiyat, which literally means “working in the forest.” For six generations, women from the 700-strong Papuan population there have worked among the mangroves collecting clams, fishing and gathering firewood.

“The customs and culture of Papuans, especially those of us in Enggros village, is that women are not given space and place to speak in traditional meetings, so the tribal elders provide the mangrove forest as our land,” Merauje said. It’s “a place to find food, a place for women to tell stories, and women are active every day and earn a living every day.”

The forest is a short 13 kilometers (8 miles) away from downtown Jayapura, the capital city of Papua, Indonesia’s easternmost province. It’s been known as the women’s forest since 2016, when Enggros’ leader officially changed its name. Long before that, it had already been a space just for women. But as pollution, development and biodiversity loss shrink the forest and stunt plant and animal life, those in the village fear an important part of their traditions and livelihoods will be lost. Efforts to shield it from devastation have begun, but are still relatively small.

Women have their own space — but it’s shrinking

One early morning, Merauje and her 15-year-old daughter took a small motor boat toward the forest. Stepping off on Youtefa Bay, mangrove trees all around, they stood chest-deep in the water with buckets in hand, wiggling their feet in the mud to find bia noor, or soft-shell clams. The women collect these for food, along with other fish.

“The women’s forest is our kitchen,” said Berta Sanyi, another woman from Enggros village.

That morning, another woman joined the group looking for firewood, hauling dry logs onto her boat. And three other women joined on a rowboat.

Women from the next village, Tobati, also have a women’s forest nearby. The two Indigenous villages are only 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) apart, and they’re culturally similar, with Enggros growing out of Tobati’s population decades ago. In the safety of the forest, women of both villages talk about issues at home with one another and share grievances away from the ears of the rest of the village.


EDITOR’S NOTE: This is part of a series of on how tribes and Indigenous communities are coping with and combating climate change.

Alfred Drunyi, the leader of Drunyi tribe in Enggros, said that having dedicated spaces for women and men is a big part of the village’s culture. There are tribal fines if a man trespasses and enters the forest, and the amount is based on how guilty the community judges the person to be.

“They should pay it with our main treasure, the traditional beads, maybe with some money. But the fines should be given to the women,” Drunyi said.

But Sanyi, 65, who’s been working in the forest since she was just 17, notes that threats to the space come from elsewhere.

Development on the bay has turned acres of forest into large roads, including a 700-meter (2,300-foot) bridge into Jayapura that passes through Enggros’ pier. Jayapura’s population has exploded in recent decades, and around 400,000 people live in the city — the largest on the island.

In turn, the forest has shrunk. Nearly six decades ago, the mangrove forest in Youtefa Bay was about 514 hectares (1,270 acres). Estimates say it’s now less than half that.

“I am so sad when I see the current situation of the forest,” Sanyi said, “because this is where we live.” She said many residents, including her own children, are turning to work in Jayapura instead of maintaining traditions.

Pollution puts traditions and health at risk

Youtefa Bay, where the sea’s brackish water and five rivers in Papua meet, serves as the gathering bowl for the waste that runs through the rivers as they cross through Jayapura.

Plastic bottles, tarpaulin sheets and pieces of wood are seen stuck between the mangrove roots. The water around the mangrove forest is polluted and dark.

After dozens of years being able to feel the clams on the bay with her feet, Sanyi said she now often has to feel through trash first. And once she removes the trash and gets to the muddy ground where the clams live, there are many fewer than there used to be.

Paula Hamadi, 53, said that she never saw the mangrove forest as bad as it is now. For years, she’s been going to the forest almost every day during the low tide in the morning to search for clams.

“It used to be different,” Hamadi said. “From 8.00 a.m. to 8:30 in the morning, I could get one can. But now, I only get trash.”

The women used to be able to gather enough clams to sell some at the nearest village, but now their small hauls are reserved for eating with their families.

A study in 2020 found that high concentrations of lead from waste from homes and businesses were found at several points in the bay. Lead can be toxic to humans and aquatic organisms, and the study suggests its contaminated several species that are often consumed by the people of Youtefa Bay.

Other studies also showed that populations of shellfish and crab in the bay were declining, said John Dominggus Kalor, a lecturer on fisheries and marine sciences at Cenderawasih University.

“The threats related to heavy metal contamination, microplastics, and public health are high,” Kalor said. “In the future, it will have an impact on health.”

Some are trying to save the land

Some of the mangrove areas have been destroyed for development, leading to degradation throughout the forest.

Mangroves can absorb the shocks of extreme weather events, like tsunamis, and provide ecosystems with the needed environment to thrive. They also serve social and cultural functions for the women, whose work is mostly done between the mangroves.

“In the future people will say that there used to be a women’s forest here” that disappeared because of development and pollution, said Kalor.

Various efforts to preserve it have been made, including the residents of Enggros village themselves. Merauje and other women from Enggros are trying to start mangrove tree nurseries and, where possible, plant new mangrove trees in the forest area.

“We plant new trees, replace the dead ones, and we also clean up the trash around Youtefa Bay,” Merauje said. “I do that with my friends to conserve, to maintain this forest.”

Beyond efforts to reforest it, Kalor said there also needs to be guarantees that more of the forest won’t be flattened for development in the future.

There is no regional regulation to protect Youtefa Bay and specifically the women’s forests, but Kalor thinks it would help prevent deforestation in the future.

“That should no longer be done in our bay,” he said.


The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

DR BUDI HERNAWAN – WEST PAPUA – “LET’S BULLDOZE AND OCCUPY THEM NOW!”

Live Encounters Magazine Volume One November-December 2024.

“Let’s bulldoze and occupy them now!”: dismantling the logic of outsourcing
in the National Strategic Project for Food Estate and Energy in West Papua 

– by Dr. Budi Hernawan

I was privileged to attend two important events in Jakarta on 16 and 18 October 2024 where representatives of the Malind and Ye tribes from the Southern Papua advocate for their rights to exist in their own land against the encroachment of the so-called Proyek Strategis Nasional Food Estate (the National Strategic Projects for Food Estate, hereafter PSN). The first event occurred in the Office of Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) and the second in the office of the Indonesian Bishops’ Conference. I am not reporting the details of the events, but I will reflect on the testimonies presented by the indigenous Papuans during the meetings since their narratives encapsulate what the Cameroonian philosopher, Achille Mbembe, calls ‘indirect private governance’ of postcolony (Mbembe 2001: 80) or I would call it outsourcing of West Papua as postcolony.

Mbembe explains that indirect private governance entails “privatisation of state sovereignty performed by private operators for private ends” (Mbembe 2001: 78). The outsourcing of state sovereignty aims not only privatises the means of coercion but also resources and other utilities formerly concentrated in the state. In exercising the state’s coercion against the Papuans, the Indonesian state armed forces remain the main operator on the ground as we will learn from the testimonies below.

However, the absence of a presidential decree that governs a military operation for both combat and non-combat functions as stipulated by Law 34/2004 regarding the Indonesian Military (TNI) demonstrates the ways in which the state has outsourced its power to various units within the Indonesian military without the required legal and legitimate power of the state. As a result, these military units no longer act to protect the nations, the people and the country but the private enterprise.

On the other hand, the privatisation of state power over resources has been translated into encroaching extractive industry that has deeply changed the landscape of Papua and the indigenous Papuans. The state has outsourced its authority to both national and international corporation to dominate the Papuan landscape, body and psyche.

The outsourcing framework is effective to analyse the production of Papua as a postcolony, which Mbembe defines societies that [1] emerged from colonial past and violence. It is [2] chaotic but coherent, governed by [3] political improvisation, and [4] distinctive regime of violence (Mbembe 2001: 102). The postcolony of Papua, however, not only involves a binary opposition of Papua and Indonesia. Rather, it implants ‘the logic of conviviality’ to all Papuans and Indonesians whereby the state, the Papuans and the Indonesians co-exist and share space.

The testimonies

During the two separate meetings, the representatives of the Malind and Yei tribes explained the penetration of PSN to their lives, their land, their forest, their animals in a bitter tone.  They represent some 50,000 indigenous peoples affected by the project (Pusaka Bentala Rakyat 2024: 12). The number is only half size of the population of Setiabudi District, the smallest district in Jakarta[1] but their land that the project has been penetrating is about 10 times larger than Jakarta.

Mama Sinta, a woman elder from Ilwayap District, told the meetings, “We put sasi, coconut leaves, as a sign of blockade but Jhonlin Group [the corporation] doesn’t care. They keep bulldozing our land. We are helpless. We are scared. Jhonlin Group does not acknowledge us. We cannot do anything because the [Indonesian] military are there to protect them. They just shoot at deer randomly. We can only look at from a distance with tears. When we heard that the Regent of Merauke was going to visit us, we told him our rejection of the project.

We told him the destruction and impact that we suffered from the project. We already complained to him but he did nothing. So, we are appalled whom he protects? We reject the corporation, but they already bulldoze our forest, dig up our water fountain, drive away fish, deer, kangaroo, pigs and other animals. So, we came here to Jakarta to raise our concerns to the government ministries here.”

Vincent, another landowner from Jagegob District, continues, “In my area, they plan to grow sugarcane. My clan has already rejected the project. We are a bit better off than Mama Sinta’s situation because we did not deal with the [military] troops. We only deal with Bintara Pembina Desa (Babinsa, low ranking army officers) who go around door to door to tell off people to give up their land. This [action] has caused tension and rift within families. For some families, where brother agrees to receive compensation, his sister opposes or vice versa so they have family fight.”

Simon, the Coordinator of Forum Solidaritas Merauke (Solidarity Forum of Merauke), narrated his story. “Around June-July 2024, we saw a luxury cruise with five decks and helipad belongs to Haji Ihsam harboured in Mariana strait. Towards the end of July 2024, some 100 excavators arrived, and they are now clearing the forest aiming to construct 135 km road with 1 km wide straight from District Ilwayap in the West to District Muting in the East [see the long orange line in the middle of Figure 1]. The excavators are so cruel. They just killed deer by crushing them with their claws just like that. Meanwhile, the army are flying around with choppers and shoot dead at any deer they see are running away from the excavators. Then they collect and bring them to the camp to eat. They never ask for our permission.”Figure 1. Map of Food Estate National Strategic Project in Merauke Regency. Courtesy of Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, 2024.

“The road project is ridiculous. There are many parts on the way are very deep peatland. Boats can even sail through during the rainy season. How come they will build the road? Nonetheless, they already destroy our water. We drink from the swamp. There are lotus flowers and others who filter the water so we can drink it. Now, it’s gone. Other parts are our sacred ancestral ground where not everyone is allowed to enter. They have also been destroyed. So we oppose this project. We already raised this issue with Papua’s People Council (MRP) of South Papua Province but they told us that they know nothing. They confessed that they have never been consulted by the central government or the Regent of Merauke. So, we put sasi adat, symbolic blockade, in every village to tell the corporation that we oppose them.”

Affirming the previous testimonies, Franky Samperante, Director of Pusaka Bentala Rakyat Foundation, explains that the Food Estate project in Merauke is full of secrecy. “We already sent letters to the government of Merauke to request the site plan of the food estate project on the ground of freedom of information. But we only received a list of small companies operating in Merauke unrelated to the food estate projects. They do not comply with free prior informed consent as required. There is no AMDAL (Environmental Impact Analysis), KLHS (Strategic Environment Analysis) and permission of the feasibility of the environment documents”

He also questions the road project that Haji Isam is currently doing [see the long orange line in the middle of Figure 1]. “The road project doesn’t make sense. Where do you find in Indonesia a road with one-kilometre wide? We suspect it’s not only for road but for something else. But we don’t know, and we don’t have information from the government or the contractor because they do not want to tell us. It’s also questionable the role of the military troops with big guns in the field protecting the project”

The testimonies went around for almost 2 hours. At the end, the speakers expressed their gratitude to the audience who paid attention to them because no one in Merauke listened to them. They smile but they are also well aware of that their struggle is far from over.

What is the National Strategic Projects for Food Estate and Energy?

PSN was born in 2016 by Nawacita, the nine vision of the outgoing President Joko Widodo, who was determined to expedite economic development and economic equality in 3T (tertinggal, terdepan, terluar or the most undeveloped, the frontier and the outer) areas through massive infrastructure development (Rasunah et al. 2024: 1). The vision was implemented by various Presidential Decrees and Ministerial Regulations resulted in 341 PSN across 34 provinces in Indonesia during the period of 2016-2024.

The latest Ministerial Regulation No. 8 of 2023 regarding the Fourth Amendment of Ministerial Regulation No. 7 of 2021 regarding the Change of the List of PSN is the one that introduces 10 new mega projects in Papua. Five of them are infrastructure projects, such as Sorong Port, new airport of Nabire, new airport of Siboru and others. The food estate projects in the Regency of Merauke falls under the category of Kawasan Ekonomi Khusus (Special Economy Zone) aiming to produce sugar, bioethanol, and rice (Pusaka Bentala Rakyat 2024: 2).

The logic of the project is not novel. It is a continuation of 2.5 million-hectare MIFEE (Merauke Food and Energy Estate)[2]project introduced by Yudhoyono administration in 2010 but failed to meet its own ambition as initially had claimed. Officially, the government grabbed 1,282,833 hectares (see Figure 2) from the Malind tribe or 25 percent of the territory of Merauke Regency for the project but since it was outsourced to 38 corporations, the size of the occupied land became 1,588,651 hectares (almost ten times the size of London). Nevertheless, the destruction of the Malind’s life is more than real. Half size of MIFEE project was virgin rainforest, which belongs to the Malind tribe. It had been cleared but left abandoned.Figure 2. Map of Merauke Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE). Courtesy of Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, 2024.

A joint investigative report of TEMPO magazine, Pusaka Bentala Rakyat and Trend Asia, “Competing Food Estates in Merauke”, 23 September 2024[3], reveals that Jokowi refused to reuse MIFEE area because he did not want the Democrat Party, Yudhoyono’s political party, would have taken credit, should the project had gone well. Instead, Jokowi expedited the food estate project in Central Kalimantan aiming for food storage and grow casava.

Nonetheless, TEMPO noted that both projects withered away with no result and both Ombudsman and BPK’s audit found huge problems of the project starting from the planning until the implementation stage. The failure of Central Kalimantan projects, however, did not stop Jokowi’s administration. Instead, it prompted Jokowi to issue Presidential Decree No. 15/2024 set up a new task force to expedite self-sufficiency of sugar and bioethanol headed by Minister of Energy and Investment, Bahlil Lahadalia. It did not take too long for Bahlil Lahadalia to act.

He held meeting with various ministries and local government of South Papua and Merauke that outsourced 10 corporations to do the job which resulted in the first planting of sugarcane by Jokowi in Tanah Miring District on 27 July 2024 (Pusaka Bentala Rakyat 2024: 6-7).

But at the same time, then President-elect Prabowo felt that food estate was his idea since 2009 since as the Minister of Defence, he was appointed by President Jokowi as the head of task force of food security. He instructed his Ministry of Defence to find a tycoon who was willing to prefinance the project. They found coal mining entrepreneur Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad also known as Haji Isam, the owner of Jhonlin Group and the cousin of the former Minister of Agriculture Amra Sulaiman. He is the one on the ground now. He is tasked to clear 50,000 -100,000 hectares which costs Rp1 trillion (USD66 millions). Prabowo also revived PT Agra Industry Nasional (Agrinas) which previously failed in the food estate project in Gunung Mas, Central Kalimantan (Pusaka Bentala Rakyat 2024: 10).

In a broader picture of PSN, the recent report of Nalar Institute from Yogyakarta, “Proyek Strategis Nasional: KepentinganSi(apa)? Catatan Kritis Implementasi PSN 2016-2024” (Rasunah et al. 2024) is revealing. Although the report is framed in economic terms, it provides us with in-depth analysis of the inherent contradiction between the Nawacitapromise for economic development and equality and the reality on the ground. The Report argues that construction of infrastructure does not necessarily generate multiplier effects that lead to an increase of people’s welfare. On the contrary, the PSN policy has increased social conflict and environmental destruction. The report from Konsorsium Pembaruan Agraria (KPA/ the Agrarian Reform Consortium) explains that during 2020-2023 there are 115 agrarian conflicts eruption due to PSN, which continues to increase exponentially every year; down streaming process in the mining industry has increased poverty; and food estate project seriously damage the environment (Rasunah et al. 2024: 4).

Further the report explains two major detrimental impacts of PSN: social and environmental. In the social sphere, PSN has caused the decline of people’s economy, the rise of agrarian conflict and dispute over land compensation, disruption of daily life activity, threat of the life of indigenous community, and threat to public health and safety. For instance, the nickel project in Sulawesi Tenggara has impoverished the people from 11,17% (2021) to 11.43% (2023) instead of increasing their welfare whereas the similar nickel project in Obi Island in North Maluku has significantly caused air pollution which led to the increase of perspiration infection disease between 2021-2022 (Rasunah et al. 2024: xx).

Similarly, PSN has caused detrimental impacts on the environment. The report found that the most frequently impact of the infrastructure development is the damage of the green ecosystem. This includes destruction of forest and peatland, and reduction of green space. For instance, the construction of Morowali Industrial Park (IMIP) in Central Sulawesi has sacrificed 8,700 hectares of forest for mining operation and smelter. 90 hectares of forest was cleared to construct Tiu Suntuk dam in the Sumbawa Barat Regency and of course, 2,684,680.68 hectare of forest in the South Papua Province will be destroyed to develop food estate projects as explained above (Rasunah et al. 2024: 4).

If we scrutinise further, the PSN is flawed since its inception since it adopts the logic of outsourcing. The report clearly identifies the flaws in five stages of project design and implementation (Rasunah et al. 2024: 19-21). At the project design stage, PSN failed to meet its promise to redistribute resources. The fact is distribution of resources, and the project puts a heavy emphasis on procedures than substance, which is about people’s consent and participation. The second stage is the agenda setting which lacks legitimate representation of all stakeholders and does not comply fully with AMDAL and KLHS. The third stage, planning and policy formulation of PSN, does not include public consultation, proper dissemination of information to the public, and transparency of information about the project.

The fourth stage of implementation is full of intimidation, blockade from the affected community so the project is delayed which is supposed to be finalised in the beginning of the project. The fifth stage of monitoring indicates corruption of the project funds and there is no follow-up of people’s complaint by the government whereas corporation does not monitor and evaluate of the safety and welfare of employees and implementation of CSR and the environment. In sum, the report argues that the main problem of PSN is all about governance.

Why is it called outsourcing?

If we analyse PSN, the problem not only lies on the failed promise of development, but it is much more disturbing than that. The logic of outsourcing of PSN demonstrates that the Indonesian state treats West Papua as postcolony or no man’s land. The testimonies of the indigenous community shows that they do not exist in the eyes of the government, the corporations and TNI. The indigenous people have told us that they have to accept the dysfunctional state apparatus: Regent of Merauke, the newly established South Papua Province, Papua’s People’s Council (MRP) of the South Papua Province, and the Papua People’s Council (DPRP) of the South Papua Province.

All these institutions have failed to protect them as the legitimate citizens of the South Papua Province. Instead, they have been treated as an alien who does not have any rights to exist. The state has even privatized its sovereignty to the selected corporations to occupy the Malind land and remove their people with the direct assistance of TNI.

The whole policy of PSN is chaotic since the planning stage as the first Mbembe’s criterion of the postcolony characterises. Competing interests to be portrayed as the saviour of food security have been manifested in Yudhoyono’s policy of MIFEE, Jokowi’s policy of PSN and now Prabowo’s PSN follow-up. PSN does not follow the logical and ethical planning, but it has a coherent internal logic, namely growthism and occupation. The promises for economic development and equality of the local community do not match the reality on the ground since the indigenous community have been removed from their ancestral land so the project only benefits corporations as the outsource of the state sovereignty. MIFEE failed but the same logic was adopted in the PSN which only further harm the indigenous community. The policy does not learn from failure in Central Kalimantan or any other parts of Indonesia.

We also found the competing interests among different administrations which resulted in political improvisation to twist regulations as the second Mbembe’s criterion of the postcolony suggests. For instance, the legal requirements of AMDAL, KLHS, permission of feasibility of the environment, prohibition of the involvement of the Indonesian military in civilian affairs, and more importantly, free prior informed consent from the affected community–all have never been fully fulfilled. Yudhoyono, Jokowi, and now Prabowo is determined to be the only game in town so each of them does not tolerate any competition.

Now Prabowo administration is the only one that has a chance to prove. That is why since day one of his administration, various ministeries have declared their determination to make PSN in Merauke a big success. Moreover, Haji Isam, the outsource, is fully mandated and protected to break the ground by constructing 135-kilometre road project to penetrate the Malind land regardless of the opposition of the landowner and serious and permanent destruction to the environment.

Finally, regime of violence, the last criterion of Mbembe’s postcolony, has been manifested in both the massive destruction of the environment and the role of military outside their jurisdiction. Despite all previous failures in other parts of Indonesia, PSN has no hesitation to bulldoze the ancestral land which equals the existence of the Malind while TNI are protecting the PSN, not the people.

The involvement of TNI is not limited to bad apples but as an institution. While such involvement is not novel in the Indonesian history, especially during Suharto’s New Order, it remains disturbing and illegal since Article 17 of Law 34/2004 regarding the Indonesian National Military clearly stipulates that any deployment of the Indonesian Military for non-combat operations requires a presidential decree with the approval of the National Parliament. To date, the continuous TNI’s deployment to West Papua does not comply with the legal requirement and thus poses legality and legitimacy questions.

Transmigration not a solution to Papua problems: Activist

https://indonesiabusinesspost.com/insider/transmigration-not-a-solution-to-papua-problems-activist/

October 31, 2024 

  Gusty da Costa Journalist

An indigenous human rights activist has asked Jakarta to reconsider the transmigration program in Papua region as bringing in non-Papuans to the country’s easternmost region will only create new problems and challenges for the native inhabitants.

“My question is very simple, will President and Vice President guarantee the safety and living rights of the transmigrants in conflict area? When they are brought from Java, the Presiden will say that he guarantees their security as the president will deploy military personnel to Papua in huge number,” Papuan human rights activist, Theo Hasegem, spoke to Indonesia Business Post on Wednesday, October 30, 2024.

In reality, there have been a lot of non-Papuan businessmen, ojek (motorcycle taxi) drivers, teachers, and healthcare officials killed or shot by members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TNPB) despite the presence of thousands of non-organic security personnel in Papua.

“As a human rights defender, I hope the (central) government will seriously consider the security issue in Papua,” Theo noted.

He was of the opinion that transmigration is not what native Papuans need.

“Papuans need justice, honesty, and the government’s readiness to solve the alleged human rights violations through dignified and authoritative dialog facilitated by a neutral third party,” he said.

Theo underlined that the main problem in Papua is human rights violations that have become an international issue.

He said the Indonesian government should be embarrassed that they used to be put under spotlight and criticized in United Nations (UN) meetings.

“The President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia know that there is a threat of humanitarian crisis in Papua that is difficult to overcome, such as murder, torture, extrajudicial arrests, and arbitrary detention allegedly carried out by Indonesian military and police personnel against indigenous Papuans,” he cited.

At the same time, the West Papua National Army continues to assassinate non-Papuan Indonesians, whom they suspect of being spies or intelligence agents deployed in Papua.

“Without solution of the humanitarian crisis, violent armed conflicts will continue to happen in Papua,” Theo said.

Upon his inauguration as President on October 20, 2024, Prabowo Subianto told the Minister of Transmigration that he is willing to send transmigrants to the eastern part of Indonesia, including Papua, saying that transmigration program is a solution to Papuan issues.

Papuans decry Indonesia’s transmigration program

They do not find anything good in President Subianto’s plan to send non-Papuans to the easternmost region

 By UCA News reporter Published: October 31, 2024 11:43 AM GMT

Catholic leaders have warned against the transmigration program of new Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto in conflict-stricken Papua, saying bringing in non-Papuans to the easternmost region will result in problems for the ethnic people.

After his inauguration on Oct. 20, Subianto announced the program in which transmigrants will be sent to the eastern parts of Indonesia, including Papua province.

The program is intended to realize welfare equality across regions, according to the newly created transmigration ministry, separate from the ministry of villages. 

The plan also includes starting 1 million hectares of new rice fields in Papua province.

The program was unveiled by transmigration minister Iftitah Sulaiman Suryanagara at a meeting of the House of Representatives – the upper house – on Oct. 29.

“Papua is not empty land. This is land owned by the people,” said Melianus Asso, head of the Papuan Catholic Youth.

“We, the Papuan Catholic Youth, do not need a transmigration program,” added Asso.

 We need education, health, access to clean water, electricity, and other basic facilities, he demanded. 

In a statement on Oct. 30, the Papuan Catholic Youth asked the government to review the new plan, which is part of a national strategic program.

Tino Mote, a member of the Papuan Catholic Youth, said the transmigration program and the rice field project are not in line with “the needs of the local community.”

As a Catholic organization based on the values of Pope Francis’ Laudato si (praise be to you), “we are responsible for preserving the environment,” he said.

He stressed the need to protect indigenous people in Papua.

Stefanus Asat Gusma, the chairperson of Papuan Catholic Youth, said he will “bring this issue to the attention of the president, the ministry and the military which is currently serving in the troubled province.

Augustinian Father Bernard Baru said the migration of non-Papuans has made indigenous people a minority in Papua.

“This [transmigration program] will only worsen the marginalization of indigenous Papuans,” he told UCA News.

He said the program is another way to control Papua.

“In urban areas, immigrants now dominate, while indigenous Papuans live in remote areas,” he said.

Papua has a population of 4.3 million and Christians make up 85.02 percent – Protestants 69.39 percent and Catholics 15.63 percent.

Due to the prolonged conflict, the former Dutch colony is one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia. In March, the province recorded a poverty rate of 17.26 percent, almost double the national average of 9.03 percent. 

Studies by University of Sydney academic James Elmslie have shown that the indigenous Papuan population has dwarfed at 1.84 percent compared with the non-Papuan population which stands at 10.82 percent in the province.

The Papuans want to free their region from Indonesian control, but Indonesia looks to suppress it militarily. The region is home to the world’s largest gold mine, as well as extensive sources of natural gas, minerals, timber and palm oil.

The struggle, ongoing since 1962, is estimated to have killed up to 500,000 people. At least 300 people have died in the last decade.

Government’s Merauke Food Estate Project violates indigenous rights and lacks environmental sustainability

CasesHuman Rights News / IndonesiaWest Papua / 13 September 2024 

The Indonesian government’s ambitious plan to create a one-million-hectare rice field in the Merauke Regency, Papua Selatan Province, is moving forward without proper consultation with indigenous communities and despite significant environmental risks. On 12 July 2024, the Minister of Environment and Forestry (MoEF), Siti Nurbaya, issued Minister of Environment and Forestry Decree No. 835 of 2024 on Approval of Forest Area Use for Food Security Facilities and Infrastructure Development Activities in the Framework of Defence and Security on behalf of the Indonesian Ministry of Defence covering 13,540 hectares of Protected Forest Area, Permanent Production Forest Area and Convertible Production Forest Area in Merauke Regency.

The project, part of the National Strategic Project (PSN), has seen the arrival of hundreds of excavators and heavy equipment, raising alarm among human rights and environmental organisations. According to the information received, the project coordinator, the Indonesian entrepreneur Mr Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad aka. Haji Isam, ordered a total of 2,000 excavators from China to implement the project. HRM received photos and videos showing the arrival of excavators in the project area by ship. One video shows the excavators clearing large areas of land (see videos and photos below, source: independent HRDs).

The project gravely violates the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), a fundamental right of indigenous peoples. According to press relese published on 13 September 2023 by the Indonesian foundation ‘Pusaka Bentala Rakyat’ (PUSAKA), local indigenous Malind communities, including the Gebze Moywend and Gebze Dinaulik clans, report that their lands, hamlets, and customary forests have been seized without any prior deliberation or consensus. This blatant disregard for indigenous rights is further exacerbated by the presence of armed military personnel securing the project implementation.

The indigenous Malind people, holding the customary land rights in the project area, have firmly rejected all forms of corporate investment on their customary lands. This unified stance was declared by various Malind communities in response to the Indonesian government’s National Strategic Project aiming to establish sugar and bioethanol self-sufficiency and a food barn project spanning millions of hectares in Merauke. Indigenous communities have expressed deep concerns about the potential loss of their lands, forests, and cultural heritage to large-scale development projects.

This rejection highlights the ongoing struggle for indigenous rights and environmental preservation in West Papua. The communities’ concerns stem from past negative experiences with corporate interventions and fears of marginalisation and cultural erosion. The call for intervention from the South Papua People’s Assembly and the Merauke Regional Government emphasizes the need for government accountability and respect for indigenous rights in development planning, urging a re-evaluation of national strategic projects that potentially violate human rights.

Environmental concerns are equally pressing. The project area overlaps with 858 hectares of natural forests and peatlands, as indicated in the Indicative Map of the Termination of Business Licensing (PIPPIB). The large-scale destruction of these ecosystems will significantly increase carbon emissions, directly contradicting Indonesia’s commitments to reduce greenhouse gases. The lack of transparency and the absence of an FPIC-based consultation with indigenous communities support allegations that the project lacks proper environmental impact assessments and approvals. Affected communities and environmental organisations have not been involved in discussions or received information on environmental documents.

The Merauke Food Estate project exemplifies a worrying development trend at the expense of indigenous rights and environmental sustainability. It is crucial for the Indonesian government to reevaluate the project, prioritizing inclusive, just, and sustainable development that respects the rights of indigenous peoples and preserves critical ecosystems. Failure to do so will inevitably undermine global efforts to combat climate change and preserve biodiversity on our planet.

Arrival of first excavators in Merauke in mid-August 2024

Government committed to building Merauke as food barn  

August 20, 2024 18:43 GMT+700 Makassar (ANTARA) – The Indonesian government is committed to building Merauke in South Papua Province as a food barn.

Merauke is expected to become the main source of national rice stock in the next two years, according to Agriculture Minister Andi Amran Sulaiman.

“We are optimistic that the next two years of self-sufficiency will start from here,” he remarked after a two-day working visit to Wanam District, Merauke, on August 18-19.

During the visit, he evaluated the progress in optimizing 40 thousand hectares of swamp land spread across six districts.

To date, he highlighted that construction has reached more than half, with land cultivation and planting having reached 6,500 hectares.

The rice planting process would continue along with the completion of the harvest and construction of agricultural infrastructure, such as canals, bridges, and roads.

Sulaiman also reviewed the construction of a 135.5 km road from Ilwayab to Ngguti, which supported the 1 million hectare rice field program. The road was expected to be completed in the next three months.

The minister checked the volume of water channels along the road and instructed to increase the width and depth to optimize irrigation.

“We design it as long storage to irrigate the one million hectares of rice fields that we are preparing,” he explained.

In addition, Sulaiman instructed to create one hectare of rice planting plot along the road at a distance of every five kilometers. This plot will be proof of the suitability of land in Merauke to support rice growth.

The first stage of land optimization in the districts of Merauke, Tanah Miring, Semangga, Kurik, Janggebob, and Malind will be expanded from 40 thousand hectares to 100 thousand hectares.

To accelerate the realization of the target, 70 excavators have been mobilized from Wanam to those districts, and an additional 20 large combine harvesters and seeds will be readied this month.

Silencing Indigenous Voices? PT MAM’s Subpoena Raises Human Rights Concerns in Sorong

CasesHuman Rights News / IndonesiaWest Papua / 14 August 2024 

A contentious legal dispute has emerged in the Sorong Regency, Papua Barat Daya Province, involving PT Mancaraya Agro Mandiri (MAM), a subsidiary of the Manca Group, and the Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) Malamoi. The conflict centres around allegations of illegal logging on customary lands belonging to several indigenous clans. PT MAM has issued a subpoena to the Chairman of AMAN Malamoi, Mr Torianus Kalami, demanding a retraction of public statements accusing the company of unauthorized logging. This case highlights the ongoing tensions between corporate interests and indigenous rights in Papua, raising significant human rights concerns regarding land ownership, environmental protection, and the rights of indigenous communities to their ancestral territories.

The conflict escalated as Mr Kalami reported alleged illegal logging activities by PT MAM after a field visit. In response, PT MAM’s legal team issued a subpoena on 18 July 2024, giving Mr Kalami 7×24 hours to retract his statements and apologize publicly. The company claims to be a victim of illegal loggers and asserts that its operational license remains valid, citing a recent agreement with the local government of Sorong Regency. PT MAM threatened to undertake legal action for defamation if their demands are not met. The subpoena was understood as an attempt to intimidate and silence indigenous rights advocates, raising concerns about the ability of local communities to protect their interests against powerful corporate entities.

The allegations against PT MAM involve unauthorized logging activities on customary lands belonging to the Klesi, Klow, Murpa, Maas, and Kwanik clans in the East Sayosa and Maudus districts of Sorong Regency. These actions, if proven true, would constitute severe violations of indigenous rights, including the right to free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) for activities on their ancestral lands. The alleged illegal logging also raises environmental concerns, potentially leading to deforestation and loss of biodiversity in ecologically sensitive areas. The company’s operations appear to be proceeding despite claims that its license has been revoked by the Sorong Regency government, which, if accurate, would indicate a disregard for local governance and regulatory processes. The alleged violations underscore the urgent need for stronger protections for indigenous land rights and more rigorous supervision of corporate activities in areas