Monthly Archives: January 2025

Police hunt for shooter in double killing in Papua Highlands 

Posted on by
Reply

  News Desk (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Mon, January 13, 2025 

A former police officer is believed to be the perpetrator, acting on orders from a rogue faction of Papuan separatists.

Police are intensifying security patrols in Yalimo regency, Papua Highlands, following the shooting of two civilians last week, as they seek to stabilize the situation and capture the shooter. “We are […] on the hunt for Aske Mabel, who is suspected to be the shooter,” said Brig. Gen. Faizal Ramadhani, the chief of the police’s Operation Cartenz Peace, in a written statement on Sunday, as reported by tempo.co. 

“The patrol at the borders of Yalimo regency is also being tightened by checking vehicles entering and exiting [the regency] to prevent other potential threats.” The patrols are focusing on the regency’s Hobkama village in Elelim district, where the shooting took place. The two victims, a 36-year-old and a 33-year-old, were woodworkers from East Luwu, South Sulawesi. They were attacked while cutting logs in the village on Jan. 8.

Witnesses said that in addition to being shot, the two victims had also been slashed by sharp weapons. They died of their wounds. Suspect Aske Mabel is a former police officer, ranked second brigadier, who defected from the police and joined a faction of the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) led by Jeffrey Pagawak Boamanak. However, TPNPB-OPM spokesman Sebby Sambom claimed Aske was not part of the OPM. The movement does not consider Jeffrey a member, after he allegedly embezzled Rp 1.9 billion (US$116,643), claiming that the money would be used to purchase weapons. The weapons, the OPM says, never materialized.

Sebby said Jeffrey and Aske had murdered several people in Papua claiming it was for the movement. The latest murder was the sixth incident. “It was the sixth incident in the Yalimo regency area, all were carried out by Aske Mabel on orders from Jeffrey,” Sebby said.

Facing palm oil nonsense

Posted on by
Reply

There are still many sustainable ways in store to enhance palm oil output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than opening new plantations by clearing forests. 

editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Wed, January 15, 2025

P resident Prabowo Subianto might not have thought his remarks would spark a controversy when he recently suggested that Indonesia expand oil palm plantations without worrying about deforestation. 

His statement sent the wrong signal about his administration’s stance on the sustainability of the commodity. Worse, his words undermine years of progress in curbing deforestation from the palm oil industry, which is partly thanks to moratoriums on the issuance of new permits and licenses for oil palm plantations decades ago. 

The statement could be dangerous if industries interpret it as the time to ditch sustainable practices or if foreign buyers lose faith in Indonesian palm oil products and switch to other substitutes or other producing countries with better sustainability standards. It is easy to take pride in palm oil, with the commodity and its products Indonesia’s top exports and now perhaps poised to play a pivotal role in the President’s energy security dream through the biodiesel programs. Despite the ambition, efforts to boost palm oil production should not sacrifice the environment. 

There are still many sustainable ways to enhance output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than by clearing forests to open new plantations.

The government through the Oil Palm Plantation Fund Management Agency (BPDPKS) channeled over Rp 179 trillion (US$10.36 billion) in subsidies to the biodiesel program from 2015 to 2023, according to research by Auriga Nusantara.


Meanwhile, the agency only disbursed Rp 8.5 trillion for replanting efforts within the same period, according to BPDPKS data from November 2023. Others measures to boost production can also include better seeds and fertilizers, which universities and research institutions in Indonesia have knowledge about and can produce. 

Losing forests will not only deprive Indonesia of its invaluable biodiversity but will also make it harder for the country to meet its net-zero emissions targets, especially after the Prabowo administration plans to accelerate the process to achieve the goal by 2050.

And oil palms, although they do have leaves, are not the same as complex forest ecosystems. Experts have suggested that oil palm plantations can not only reduce the ability to capture carbon but also suck up nutrients that will make it difficult to restore natural forests. 

During the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in November last year, Prabowo may have thought the country could be self-sufficient in green energy by relying on its natural resources, including forms of bioenergy like palm-oil based biodiesel. However, Prabowo must also remember if the source of the biodiesel leads to deforestation, then there is nothing green in the biodiesel just as there is nothing green about electric vehicles if the power is still sourced from coal-fired power plants. Furthermore, President Prabowo will need to evaluate millions of hectares of oil palm plantations in the country, following findings last year that over 3.3 million of them were illegal. 

The Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) has pointed out a lack of compliance that led to Rp 300 trillion in potential lost revenue. A blind expansion drive would only lead to more illegal plantations and more revenue losses for the government, especially if it continues neglecting its homework of improving compliance in the palm oil industry. Plans to boost palm oil production should come with adequate measures to maintain adequate farmgate prices and an increase in supply should not mean that smallholders earn less. 

The government also needs to step up efforts to assert the country’s control over palm oil prices, which are currently still tied to Malaysia’s commodity exchange and will likely remain that way in the years to come even though Indonesia has already established its own exchange for the commodity. It would be ironic if Indonesia, with all its palm oil glory, must settle for following standards that others have set despite the country’s pride as the world’s leading palm oil producer.
————————

“West Papua Is Not an Empty Land”: The Story of a Young Indigenous Activist Defending Her People and Their Forests 

Posted on by
Reply

Author: Júlia Fortuny

“West Papua Is Not an Empty Land”

This article is based on insights shared by Dorthea Wabiser, a young Indigenous researcher at Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat (PUSAKA), who I had the privilege of speaking with about her work defending the rights of Indigenous communities in West Papua and the environmental challenges they face. Throughout the article, you’ll find Dorthea’s personal experiences and perspectives as she leads the fight for her people’s ancestral lands.

West Papua, a region of immense cultural diversity and breathtaking natural beauty, is also home to deep-rooted challenges: ongoing human rights violations, environmental degradation, and a long legacy of colonial and governmental oppression. Few people illustrate this tension more poignantly than Ms. Dorthea Wabiser, a young Indigenous researcher at Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat—an Indonesian civil society organisation committed to defending Indigenous peoples’ rights and the environment.

Today, as the Indonesian government proposes opening more than two million hectares for the Merauke Food and Energy Development project, the urgency of Dorthea’s work—and that of her organisation—has never been clearer.

A Childhood Shaped by Activism

Born and raised in Jayapura, West Papua, Dorthea’s parents were both activists deeply involved in fighting against human rights violations in different regions of Indonesia. Her father, originally from Byak Island and now based in Timika, has long advocated for communities impacted by the waste of Freeport mining operations in the region where he now lives. Her mother, hailing from the Yali tribe of the Papuan Highlands, has fought passionately for women’s rights and against human rights violations derived from the Independence movement. Growing up surrounded by stories of injustice and witnessing them firsthand set Dorthea on a path of activism early on.

“Living under oppression in West Papua, you feel how they try to shut your voices when you want to say something, you see every day the human rights violations, you experience the racism, the discrimination” she recalls, pointing out that this discrimination was also present when she moved from Jayapura to Bandung, in Java, for school, where she also felt the prejudice as a West Papuan.

Growing up in an activist family inspired Dorthea to follow a similar path, leading her to study International Relations and write her thesis on conflict resolution in West Papua. But her passion for activism and human rights advocacy began even earlier. During her school years, Dorthea created YouTube videos analysing current events and highlighting social injustices in West Papua. One of these videos eventually connected her with Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat, the civil society organisation where she now works.

 PUSAKA’s mission to protect Indigenous peoples’ rights and the environment resonated with Dorthea’s core values. After briefly considering a job offer from a large gas company, she realised it conflicted with her principles. “It’s against my morals,” she explains. Seeking a path that resonated with her beliefs, she was drawn to PUSAKA, as its values reflected not only her own but also the lessons she observed through her parents’ work. Joining the organisation felt like a meaningful step toward fulfilling her purpose.

Protecting Indigenous Rights and Cultures in Southern West Papua

Currently based in Jakarta, where PUSAKA’s head office is located, Dorthea works as a researcher, documenting Indigenous peoples’ knowledge and the communities’ resilience confronting the climate crisis in West Papua. She specifically focuses on protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples in the southern part of the region, covering Merauke, Boven Digoel, and Mappi, where large-scale deforestation poses a serious threat. An example of this is a new 2-million-hectare food and energy project in an area of 4-million-hectare, recently declared a National Strategic Project (PSN). Backed by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture, this initiative involves extensive land clearing for rice fields, sugarcane and bioethanol plantation, activities that violate ancestral territories.

 PUSAKA’s broader work involves research, advocacy, and capacity building to help local communities understand their legal rights and create security awareness, document environmental damage, and secure formal recognition of customary lands. Dorthea also supports communities’ efforts to“reconnect with nature”, challenging what she describes as the ways capitalism has weakened the relationship between Papuans and their environment.

Dorthea’s connection to the communities she works with is rooted in a deep emotional attachment to the land and its people. Raised in an Indigenous family, she was taught the value of knowledge transfer by her parents and grandparents. Emphasising the importance of preserving traditional knowledge, she recalls family gatherings at her grandparents’ home: “Every time we gather together in their home, my grandfather always tells stories about our culture”.

When she first entered the southern regions of West Papua for her work, she felt an immediate bond with the local people. “I always felt safe and happy there; it was like healing,” she reflects. Through her research, Dorthea has become part of the communities she helps, learning their languages and cultures as she documents their traditional knowledge. Her relationship with the people is one of mutual trust and respect. “When I enter a new community, I know these are my people,” she says. “Even though we come from different backgrounds, they take care of me, and I feel safe.“

Challenging the “Empty Land” Narrative: Affirming the Rights and Presence of Indigenous Communities in West Papua

One of the core challenges Dorthea and PUSAKA confront is the government’s narrative that frames Papua as an “empty land”, void of people or culture. This false narrative aims to justify large-scale exploitation of the region’s resources, ignoring the thriving Indigenous communities who have lived on the land for centuries. In response, Papuan civil society organisations and grassroots communities launched the campaign “West Papua Is Not an Empty Land,” with support from organisations like PUSAKA. The campaign aims to highlight the presence of thriving Indigenous communities with distinct cultures, languages, and ancestral ties to these forests. For this, Dorthea has engaged in research in the affected villages to document and showcase the richness of the land. This includes crafting an inventory of local animals and plants meticulously recorded in the tribe’s original languages, as well as in Indonesian and Latin. Through this work, she highlights the vibrant life, human culture and history that the government’s “empty land” narrative tries to erase.

Military members allegedly kill two Papuans in Pegunungan Bintang – Military officials claim victims were TPNPB members

Posted on by
Reply

Cases / Indonesia, West Papua / 16 January 2025 

On 28 November 2024, a tragic incident unfolded in Parim Village, Serambakon District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency, when Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) personnel killed Mr Methodius Uropmabin, 28, and Mr Nerius Oktemka,25. The TNI claimed the victims were on a wanted list (DPO) for their alleged involvement with the TPN-PB KODAP 35 Bintang Timur, following an incident in 2020. However, the operation raised serious concerns about due process and the use of lethal force, as the victims were reportedly abducted from their homes, detained, and killed under circumstances suggesting extrajudicial execution. The TNI justified their actions by citing reports from the local community about the victims’ alleged activities.

In the early hours of 28 November, at approximately 2:00 am, TNI forces entered Parim Village without prior consultation with the local community. They forcibly circled the house in which Mr Uropmabin and Mr Oktemka were sleeping. According to the information received, the military forces opened fire, with bullets piercing through the wooden walls. Mr Uropmabin died instantly, while Mr Oktemka survived the shooting. He was brought to the Kalomdol District Military Command. When the car passed the Seram District Office, Mr Oktemka reportedly attempted to flee and was fatally shot three times. Both bodies were later returned to their families by TNI personnel after local officials intervened. They were buried in Parim Village that same day.

This case highlights critical human rights violations, including the lack of judicial oversight, the use of excessive force, and the apparent absence of fair trial rights. The extra-judicial nature of the killings contravenes international human rights standards and Indonesia’s obligations under domestic and international law. The reliance on unverified community reports as grounds for lethal action further exacerbates the issue, raising questions about the accountability of the TNI and the systemic failure to ensure justice. This incident underscores the urgent need for independent investigations and structural reforms to prevent the recurrence of such violations.

WORLD REPORT 2025 Our Annual Review Of Human Rights Around The Globe

Posted on by
Reply

Human Rights Watch

WORLD REPORT 2025 Our Annual Review Of Human Rights Around The Globe

Full Report

Click to access World%20Report%202025.pdf

———-

Country Report Indonesia Events of 2024

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/indonesia

Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, a former Army general, won the presidential election in February 2024. Prabowo was implicated in grave rights violations while he was in military service that had led to his dismissal. His running mate, Gibran Raka, is the eldest son of outgoing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

In August, street protests erupted in at least 16 cities in Indonesia, including the capital, Jakarta, after Jokowi’s ruling coalition attempted to tamper with the election law to allow candidates below age 30 to run for office in local elections. The protesters accused the government of nepotism because there was only one candidate under 30: Kaesang Pangareb, Jokowi’s youngest son. Earlier, Jokowi had helped Gibran Raka to become Prabowo’s running mate.

Civil and political rights declined in Indonesia in the past decade under the Jokowi administration. The government’s policies undermined free elections, weakened legislative checks on executive powers, and led to an increase in corruption, including in the management of natural resources. The armed forces interfered in civilian affairs.

Indonesia’s parliament passed a new criminal code in December 2022, containing provisions that seriously violate international human rights law and standards.

Indonesian authorities committed or condoned numerous human rights abuses involving discrimination on religious, ethnic, social, gender, and sexual orientation grounds.

West Papua

Military and police committed abuses with impunity in West Papua. Despite pledges by Jokowi, authorities restricted access to the media, international diplomats, and human rights monitors.

Authorities failed to address longstanding racial discrimination against Indigenous Papuans despite protests across 33 cities in 2019, after an attack on Papuan university students by security forces in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city. This includes denial of their rights to health, livelihood, and education.

While at least 245 people were convicted for participating in protests, including 109 for treason, they were given much shorter prison terms due to international and domestic pressure. Most had been released by 2024 because they had already served much of their term in pre-trial detention. Three fishermen from Manokwari, who were convicted of treason for unfurling the Morning Star and holding a protest prayer meeting in October 2022, were released in September.

After the Indonesian parliament enacted a controversial law in 2022, splitting the territory of two provinces—Papua and West Papua—into six new provinces, the authorities continued to encourage and subsidize thousands of non-Papuan settler families—pendatang in Indonesian—to relocate to West Papua, often driving out Indigenous Papuans and grabbing their land for mining and oil palm plantations.

A video posted in March on social media showed three Indonesian soldiers brutally beating Definus Kogoya, a young Papuan man, whose hands were tied behind him and who had been placed inside a drum filled with water, taunting him with racial slurs. While the army apologized and promised an investigation, there have been no prosecutions.

The fighting between pro-independence Papuan insurgents and the Indonesian security forces contributed to the deteriorating human rights situation in West Papua. The insurgents are implicated in the killings of migrants and foreign workers. They held a New Zealand pilot, Philip Mehrtens, hostage between February 2023 and September 2024, releasing him after 594 days on “humanitarian grounds.”

Freedom of Religion and Belief

Several laws such as the 1965 blasphemy law, blasphemy provisions in the 2022 criminal code, and the 2006 religious harmony regulation placed religious minorities at risk. While these rules seemed to be neutral on paper, they were enforced mostly “to protect Islam.”

The 2006 regulation continued to empower religious majorities to veto activities by minority religions including Christians, Shia Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, and Confucians or to stop them from constructing houses of worship. Smaller minorities, including Ahmadiyah, Bah’ai, and Indigenous faiths, continue to face even harsher treatment.

Indonesian authorities did too little to stop Islamic groups attacking or harassing religious minorities or to hold those responsible to account. For instance, in March, dozens of Muslim extremists attacked a religious service held by a Christian group in Tangerang, claiming it had “no permit” to conduct services.

In September, Pope Francis visited Jakarta as part of a 12-day tour of the Asia-Pacific region. He visited the Istiqlal grand mosque and met the grand imam, signing a declaration of interfaith friendship.

In a step forward for freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia, in January, citizens from smaller religious groups were permitted to change the religious identity on their identity cards, with the introduction of a new category, kepercayaan (belief), alongside the six recognized religions.

Women’s and Girls’ Rights

Local authorities continued to enforce 73 mandatory hijab regulations since they were first introduced in West Sumatra in 2001, with sanctions ranging from verbal warnings, expulsion from school or work, to jail terms of up to three months. Many girls and women who refused to comply with the rules, including non-Muslims, faced expulsion or pressure to withdraw from school. In several cases, female civil servants, including teachers and university lecturers, lost their jobs or had to resign for refusing to comply with the rules.

The new criminal code maintains criminalization of abortion with exceptions, and now criminalizes distributing information about contraceptives to children, and providing information about obtaining an abortion to anyone.

Restrictions on Civil Society and Media

In June, a journalist who had exposed an army officer for allegedly backing online gambling was killed in a deadly arson attack. Rico Sempurna Pasaribu, 47, of the Medan-based Tribata TV, and three members of his family were found dead inside their small wooden house in Kabanjahe. Media organizations said they feared a cover-up in the investigations.

In March, Indonesian authorities signed an agreement ending the requirement that defamation disputes with student media should be referred to the police or public prosecutors. Instead, the national Press Council will now mediate all defamation disputes involving student journalists and publications.

Disability Rights

People with real or perceived psychosocial disabilities continued to be shackled—chained or locked in confined spaces—due to stigma, as well as inadequate support and mental health services. The 2024 US State Department annual human rights report stated that the Indonesian government prioritized eliminating the practice of shackling. The number of people living in chains was approximately 4,300.

Full Report

PAPUA’S NOKEN BAG, THE KNOTTED LEGACY OF RESILIENCE AND IDENTITY

Posted on by
Reply

BY  FIRDIA LISNAWATI AND EDNA TARIGAN

Updated 2:05 PM AEDT, January 17, 2025

JAYAPURA, Indonesia (AP) — The woman carries bananas, yams and vegetables in a knotted bag on her head as she wanders through a market in a suburban area of Jayapura in eastern Indonesia.

Even in the Papua capital and bigger cities of the province, a noken bag where people carry their daily essentials is a common sight.

The distinctive bag, handcrafted from natural fibers like tree bark or leaves, is woven and knotted with threads of Papuan heritage. The U.N. cultural agency UNESCO recognized the traditional bag as needing urgent safeguarding in 2012 because 

there are fewer crafters making noken and more competition from factory-made bags.

Crafter Mariana Pekei sells her handmade bags daily in Youtefa market in Jayapura, along with other women from her village.

“It is difficult to craft from the tree bark,” Pekei said.

They collect the raw materials from melinjo trees or orchids, facing dangers like mosquitoes in the forest. They then process the material into thread fibers, including by spinning the fibers together in their palms and on their thighs, which can cause wounds and scar their skin.

“If it’s made of yarn, we can craft, knot it directly with our hands,” Pekei said.

The price of noken depends on the material as well as the craftsmanship. A small bag can be made in a day, but the bigger ones require more creativity from the maker and more precision and patience.

Sometimes, the noken is colored by using natural dyes, mostly light brown or cream with some yellowish brown.

“Those are the color of Papuan people and the Papuan land,” Pekei said.

With its seemingly simple yet intricate winding technique and the symbolism it holds, the noken has become a valuable item passed down from generation to generation.

For people from outside Papua, noken are an always sought-after souvenir, which can be found easily at the market or the souvenir stores. Despite the high transportation costs, crafters often journey from their remote villages to Jayapura, determined to sell their noken and share their craft with the city.

But more than just a practical tool for carrying goods or souvenir, Pekei said that a noken serves as a powerful cultural symbol, representing the resilience, unity, and creativity of the Papuan people.

————————

Militarization in West Papua: the disrupted life of indigenous peoples

Posted on by
Reply

Jayapura (Agenzia Fides) – The sudden occupation of forest areas and villages of indigenous peoples by the massive deployment of military units in the Indonesian region of Papua is becoming a constant that marks the life of an entire region with its human and natural heritage. 

This is what happened to the inhabitants of five villages in the Oksop district (in central Papua, in the territory of the diocese of Jayapura), who fled to other areas, such as the neighboring Oksibil district, at the end of November due to the deployment of military units. “The presence of the military in the Oksop district has caused fear and insecurity in the community. Various actions by the military, such as setting up posts in churches and using public facilities without permission, have further aggravated the situation,” says Father Alexandro Rangga (OFM), Friar Minor and Director of the “Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation” Commission in Papua. 

According to the Franciscan Commission, 300 people have been displaced to other villages, while many are hiding in the forests. “The fundamental problem in Papua is the way in which the Indonesian central government pursues national projects with a military approach. 

In addition, the massive presence of the military also brings with it activities promoted by the military itself, with conflicts of interest and operations on the edge of legality,” notes the Franciscan. As an official statement from the Diocese of Jayapura confirms, “the security situation in Oksop district remains unfavorable.” Indeed, “the refugees are reluctant to return to their home villages because they are afraid.” The presence of more and more troops – three troops were sent between January 13 and 15, 2025 alone – has increased tensions.

 “The displaced people have had traumatic experiences when they had to leave their homes,” reports the Franciscan. In response to this emergency, the Church of Jayapura and the Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation Commission are calling on the government to “withdraw the armed forces from Oksop district and open a space for dialogue to find a peaceful solution” and, in the meantime, “provide adequate humanitarian assistance to the refugees.” The path of dialogue, says the Franciscan, “is the only way to end the violence and create a sustainable peace in Papua.

” Assessing the overall situation, Father Rannga notes that “the situation has worsened in recent years.” “Although the Indonesian government has moved from a ‘security’ approach to one that speaks of ‘welfare’ on a verbal level, in reality soldiers are still being deployed to carry out all kinds of programs on the ground,” he explains. 

“This is worrying because people have already had a long and traumatic experience with the military. In total, there are between 60,000 and 100,000 internally displaced people in Papua, mainly from Maybrat, Kiwirok and Intan Jaya.” In addition, the Indonesian government “has been creating food plantations in West Papua since 2020 (often for palm oil plantations, editor’s note) without obtaining the consent of the indigenous peoples, who feel cheated of their land: they use the local authorities or the army to take over the land by force, and this approach leads to clashes and discontent,” he continues. 

“As the Commission for Justice, Peace and the Integrity of Creation, we have drawn the attention of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) to these problems: ancestral ownership of land, inequalities between indigenous Papuans and migrants, access to health and education facilities,” said the religious. Tensions in the area date back to the controversial 1969 referendum that incorporated Papua into the Republic of Indonesia, inaugurating a long period of progressive impoverishment and marginalization of the indigenous Papuans. 

The rise of separatist armed groups (such as the West Papuan National Liberation Army (TPN-PB), the armed wing of the Papua Liberation Movement) sparked a low-intensity conflict that forced thousands of people to flee and further complicated life in a region already characterized by underdevelopment. In addition, projects to exploit Papua’s enormous natural wealth (palm oil, copper, gold, timber, natural gas) do not benefit the indigenous population, who instead bear the negative impacts such as land destruction, contamination of water sources and the resulting health problems. 

In the meantime, the internal migration program (“Transmigrasi”) promoted by Jakarta changed the demographic composition of Papua, weakening the socioeconomic status of indigenous Papuans and limiting their employment opportunities. Locals complain that they have “become foreigners in their own country”. (PA) (Agenzia Fides, 17/1/2024)

Church leaders slam Indonesian forces’ denial of Papua refugees

Posted on by
Reply

Around 327 people remain displaced, many others hiding in forests in Oksop district, they say

Church officials in Indonesia have rejected Indonesian security forces’ claims of normalcy in a conflict zone in Papua, expressing concerns about the situation of displaced people and their safety.

The Church leaders said the security situation in the five villages in Oksop district is not yet normal, according to reports from pastoral officers of the Church in the field.

Bishop Yanuarius Theofilus Matopai You of Jayapura, based in Papua, and Father Alexandro Rangga of the Franciscans’ Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation Commission Papua expressed the Church’s concerns in a statement.

“As of today, an estimated 327 people remain displaced, with many others choosing to hide in the forest,” they said in their Jan. 17 statement.

It refuted the security forces’ claim in the media that residents who were displaced because of the conflict had returned to their villages.

Security forces spokesperson Yusuf Sutejo told the media that people have returned and are “carrying out normal activities in four villages. Only Mimin village is still under the supervision of security forces.”

Bishop You said they have detailed data on the number of displaced people, including by gender, age, and village of origin.

“However, for the safety of the displaced people, we cannot share this data with the public,” he explained.

The Church leaders said the security claims raise “deep concern,” and hence, “the Catholic Church felt compelled to clarify the real situation.”

Father Rangga said they want the joint security forces to withdraw from the Oksop district.

“The presence of troops is increasing. The deployment of additional troops on Jan. 13-15, 2025, has only increased the community’s anxiety,” he said.

The Church leaders said the security forces setting up their posts inside church compounds and using community facilities without permission worsened the situation.

Father Rangga told UCA News that residents of the five affected villages fled the area due to the increasing presence of security forces since late November last year.

“Fear of armed conflict prompted them to flee to safer places,” he said.

The security forces are targeting members of the West Papua National Liberation Army, which is allegedly working to free Papua from Indonesian control.

The renewed violence has displaced hundreds.

A displaced person from Atenar village, who did not want to be named because of security concerns, said he witnessed security forces setting up posts in community properties in his village as well as neighboring Mimin village.

“They dismantled an Evangelical church to make a fire pit. Church facilities are regularly used as security posts,” he said.

He also reported hearing gunshots day and night. “We don’t know whether they are shooting at their opponents or not,” he added.

The Catholic Church has urged the Indonesian government to form an independent team to investigate the causes of the conflict and ensure accountability for human rights violations.

“Firstly, withdraw military troops from Oksop district and open up space for dialogue to find a peaceful solution,” they said.

Jakarta pips Dutton in nuclear race

Posted on by
Reply

Peter Dutton’s hopes for Australia to be the first nation in the Southern Hemisphere to pioneer the use of small-to-medium nuclear reactors seem dashed.

Not because of ALP hostility, doomscrolling by economists, a twitchy electorate, forests of greenies and swags of sceptics – but because we could be overtaken by Indonesia hurtling down the fast lane.

(Below the Equator the 40-year-old Koeberg reactor in South Africa is not an SMR.)

While we argue on the minuses, Indonesia is adding the positives and deleting (or overlooking) the negatives.

Despite being geologically unstable and having no experience in the dicey business of juggling atoms for peace (the country’s research reactor is a sexagenarian), Indonesia is planning for at least 20 nuclear units.

Once opponents are trampled, a $1.63 billion prototype could be in place by 2028, boiling kettles and powering tools four years later.

Several locations have been proposed, frightening the locals.  The currently favoured hot spot eliminates community concerns, for the 221-hectare Kelasa Island on the east side of Sumatra is uninhabited.

Economic Affairs Minister, Airlangga Hartarto reportedly told investors in December that the “PLN  (the State-owned power-generation monopoly PT Perusahaan Listrik Negara) has already partnered with American and Japanese companies to develop small modular reactors with a capacity of less than 300 MW.”

In March 2023, Indonesia and the US Trade and Development Agency signed an agreement to develop modular reactor technology. PLN got a $1 million grant for feasibility studies.

Facts are scarce. This story has more quirks and qualifiers than a commentator’s election predictions. “Probably, potentially, expressions of interest, expected, estimated …”.  The list is long. The confusion is deep and deliberate.

There’s a little mutton on the menu.   PT ThorCon Power Indonesia has been named as the force behind the proposal “crafted in collaboration with key stakeholders.”

This show is hardly General Electric. One site says it has only three employees, another almost 20.

Its website reports that it’s a wholly foreign-owned company involved in Indonesia since 2018. It has “engaged closely with the Indonesian Government …and had consultations with BAPETEN.” Badan Pengawas Tenaga Nuklir is the Nuclear Energy Regulatory Agency.

What’s going on when foreign hustlers can be ushered into Jakarta’s top-floor boardrooms and given time to PowerPoint?

Here’s the clue, coming from the US-based non-profit agency the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis: It writes about Indonesia’s “nuclear power euphoria” then adds it’s “all smoke and mirrors with no current technical, financial or market viability”.

Such negativity from a credible source should smother the idea.  However, Generation WiFi is impatient. An opinion survey last decade alleged “a consistent year-on-year increase in support for nuclear” – as it would, having been generated by the World Nuclear Association.

Former President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo told the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change his nation would slash greenhouse gas emissions, promising carbon neutrality by 2050.

Difficult in a country with 132 million petrol-powered motorbikes and 37 coal-fired stations plus a further 15 starting up this year, (‘25) Lesser sources are oil, hydro, biomass, solar, wind and geothermal. Industrial and domestic power users have little choice – diesel gensets or PLN.

Australia isn’t the only lucky country for goodies to dig and sell. Three of Indonesia’s mega billionaires are King Coals. Chinese-owned nickel over-producers in Sulawesi have forced ten Australian mines to close.

The archipelago has an estimated 23 billion metric tonnes of low-calorie coal mostly in East Kalimantan.  Ironically this is where the new capital Nusantara is rising as an “eco-city” running on renewables.

China, India and the Philippines are the main buyers.   Last year (2024) exports topped expectations by more than eight per cent.

Selling more to reduce needs sounds like the Vietnam Battle of Bến Tre quote: “We had to destroy the town to save it.”

Domestic rooftop solar panels are rare in Indonesia. The technology has few enthusiasts and fewer installers. There are only two “utility-scale wind farms” in the country with a total of 50 turbines.

Said an IEEFA report: “Despite the steady erosion of nuclear power’s competitive potential, key Southeast Asian energy ministries continue to be lobbied by nuclear advocates.

“In growing power markets like Indonesia, decision-makers are facing a barrage of pro-nuclear media coverage as the nuclear industry floods the market with panels and webinars.

“Many of these offerings are sponsored by lobbyists for the international backers of new small modular reactor technologies, who are actively engaging with governments and utilities.”

That’s happening with  ThorCon Power Indonesia that spruiks:

“Given the limited potential for renewable energy in Indonesia’s base-load capacity, nuclear energy is seen as a viable solution to meet the country’s substantial low-carbon energy demand. ThorCon’s nuclear facility will utilize a Thorium Molten Salt Reactor (TMSR), expected to provide 500 MW of low-carbon electricity.

“ThorCon has to be potentially become the first company to build and operate Indonesian first Nuclear Power Plant.”  Hopefully, their techs are better with uranium than grammar.

The untested plan has units assembled in South Korea and barged to Indonesia. Waste won’t be an issue as Mr Dutton reportedly says it can fit in a Coke can.  The nation with the world’s fourth-largest thirst has an abundance.

The costs, inevitable blowouts and uncertainties involved in new tech are worries enough, but the biggest barrier is the Ring of Fire. It’s a 40,000 km long tectonic belt of trembling soils, big bang mountains and seafloor upheavals causing tsunamis – like the 2004 Aceh tragedy,

The moods of Indonesia’s 127 active volcanoes are idiosyncratic.  Every year several spew fire and fumes, burning people and property.  Having a nuclear reactor nearby, however small, green and funded by private investors may not be the government’s best thought bubble.

ThorCon’s impressive name and offices in Jakarta and Bangka belie the reality that its public information is confusing.

One site says it’s a “Singapore-based special purpose company which (sic) established for the purpose of financing the $USD 1,2 billion Indonesia project.”

ThorCon US, Inc. reports it’s “a business company in the US, owned by the founder of ThorCon Power, that owns the intellectual property for the ThorCon TMSR500 design.”

Another site claims it’s headquartered in Dubai and appears to be a door-opener for big investors – the most prominent is Virya.

This private Belgium-based company is “committed to finding the best investment opportunities globally and building investment portfolios for sustained rapid growth … progressing with you in the wealth creation journey and enjoy a prosperous and beautiful life together!”

No mention of nuclear.

Indonesia has a record of speedily completing major industrial projects using Chinese money and cheap labour toiling 24/7. Java toll roads and Sulawesi nickel smelters have been built years faster than similar jobs in Australia.

Cutting health and safety measures and barging aside community and environmental naysayers has put pedal to metal. In the time it takes Canberra to publish another committee report, SMRs in Indonesia could be lighting the way to a brighter future.

Or one more hazardous.

Can you help Pearls and Irritations?

Can you help Pearls and Irritations? Pearls & Irritations appears to be one of the few media with an independent voice left in Australia that is willing to focus on issues of substance. May their voice grow stronger! Donor, NSW You can make a monthly or one-off donation by clicking anywhere here. Please consider a donation to help Pearls and Irritations extend its voice and reach.
Duncan Graham

Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.
Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Ja

Indigenous Papuans prepare for return to transmigration policy under new Indonesian government

Posted on by
Reply

Andrew Mathieson – December 15, 2024

An Indonesian minister within Prabowo Subianto’s new government took little time to announce plans to resume a former transmigration program throughout the eastern regions of a sovereign Indonesia, including the largest Papua province in western New Guinea, saying it was needed to enhance unity and provide locals with welfare.

Transmigration is the controversial process of forcibly moving Indigenous people on from their existing residences in a densely populated part of Indonesia to less densely populated areas of the country.

But for Indigenous Papuans that have a cultural connection and far more in common with their brothers in Papua New Guinea, displacement of Papuan populations remain a historical sore point.

The ministry intends to revitalise 10 zones in Papua, potentially using local relocation rather than bringing in outsiders and/or foreigners for work.

The program had been on pause for 23 years after it was found to severely propagate and to accelerate the Papuan independence movement in the western half of the New Guinea that has been under Indonesian control since October 1962 following the exodus of Dutch colonists.

“We want Papua to be fully united, as a part of Indonesia in terms of welfare, national unity and beyond,” Muhammad Iftitah Sulaiman Suryanagara, the revived minister of transmigration, said.

Mr Iftitah has promised strict evaluations focusing on community welfare rather than just relocation numbers.

Despite the minister’s promises, the plan has since drew outcry from Indigenous Papuans, citing social and economic concerns.

The purpose of this program was officially to reduce poverty and to provide opportunities for hard-working poor people by providing a workforce to utilise natural resources of the nation.

But in Papua, a remote and resource-rich region, it is viewed as a form of indentured labour.

The program has been a flashpoint for conflict, with its people enduring decades of alleged military abuse and human rights violations under Indonesian rule.

Simon Balagaize, a young Papuan leader from Merauke, highlighted the negative impacts of transmigration efforts in Papua under dictator Suharto’s New Order during the 1960s.

“Customary land was taken, forests were cut down, (while) the indigenous Malind people now speak Javanese better than their native language,” he told the independent Southeast Asian, BenarNews, last month.

The Papuan Church Council stressed locals desperately do require increased services, but could do without more transmigration

“Papuans need education, health services and welfare – not transmigration that only further marginalizes landowners,” Rev Dorman Wandikbo, a council member, told BenarNews.

Transmigration into Papua has sparked protests on concerns about reduced employment opportunities for Indigenous people.

Human rights advocate Theo Hasegem criticised the government’s step back, arguing the human rights issues are ignored under transmigration, and non-Papuans could also be endangered because separatist groups often target newcomers.

“Do the president and vice president guarantee the safety of those relocated from Java?” Hasegem told BenarNews.

The program dates to 1905 during the Dutch East Indies administration and was a program an independent Indonesia adopted and continued through a number of its administrations under the guise of promoting development and unity.

It also aimed to promote social and cultural unity by relocating citizens across regions.

Transmigration involved 78,000 families in Papua from 1964 to 1999, according to statistics from the Papua provincial government.

The program only had paused in 2001 after a special Indonesian autonomy law required regional regulations to be followed.

A Papuan legislator, John N R Gobay, questioned the role of Papua’s latest autonomous regional governments for the transmigration process.

He cited an article of the law mandating that transmigration proceeds only with gubernatorial consent and regulatory backing.

Without clear regional regulations, he warned, transmigration lacks a strong legal foundation and could conflict with special autonomy rules that exist in Western New Guinean provinces.

United Nations data estimates between 60,000 and 100,000 Papuans have been displaced since 2022, after Indonesia denies UN officials access to the region, while human rights advocates in the area recently said the figure is 79,000.