Military operations against indigenous village in Gearek District, Nduga Regency: One child killed, mother and sibling injured

Human Rights Monitor

14 January 2026 / On 12 December 2025, Indonesian military forces (TNI) conducted a large-scale air and ground military operation against indigenous settlements in Woneworasosa village, Gearek District, Nduga Regency, Papua Pegunungan Province. The operation involved at least six military helicopters, aerial gunfire, and the deployment of mortar-type explosive ordnance in and around civilian homes, gardens, and livestock areas. The attack resulted in the killing of a seven-year-old child, serious injury to an indigenous woman, widespread destruction of civilian property, and the forced displacement of at least 539 civilians.

An investigation by the Papuan Foundation for Justice, Human Integrity (YKKMP) found no evidence of armed confrontation or resistance at the time of the attack. The military operation took place in a populated civilian area and caused severe humanitarian consequences.

On 10 December 2025, residents of Gearek District reported the presence of three military helicopters conducting surveillance flights over indigenous settlements without prior notification, coordination, or explanation. This activity caused widespread fear among the villagers. On 11 December 2025, the military presence escalated. Three helicopters and several drones again flew over Woneworasosa Village. Witnesses reported that helicopters dropped explosive devices near homes to facilitate troop deployment, while additional aircraft fired live ammunition from the air. Mortars reportedly exploded next to civilian houses, prompting panic among residents.

The operation reached its peak on 12 December 2025 at around 05:30 am, when six helicopters attacked from multiple directions. Mortar-type explosives were dropped near homes and gardens, and helicopters fired sustained gunfire onto residential areas. Roofs were perforated by bullets, walls were riddled with impact marks, livestock were shot, and solar panels and household interiors were destroyed (see photos below, source: YKKMP). The attack was carried out without warning and without prior armed hostilities in the area.

As residents attempted to flee, Arestina Giban, a seven-year-old girl (see photo on top, source: YKKMP), was shot in the back of the head while being carried by her mother, Mrs Wina Kerebea, 35. The child died instantly. Mrs Kerebea was injured by shrapnel from a mortar explosion, which became lodged in her right thigh (see photos below, source: YKKMP). Despite sustained gunfire from the air, she attempted to recover her child’s body while shielding her other child, who was reportedly also grazed by a bullet. Mrs Kerebea and her other child survived the attack but had to leave Arestina’s body behind.

Following the attack, residents fled into forests and neighbouring districts, including Pasir Putih and areas of Asmat Regency. Many spent days without food, shelter, or medical care. Military operations reportedly continued until 13 December 2025 at around 10:00 am. Searches for the child’s body between 14 and 16 December 2025 were unsuccessful, raising serious concerns about the enforced disappearance or concealment of remains.

As late December 2025, most residents remained internally displaced due to trauma, fear of renewed attacks, and the destruction of their homes.

Human rights analysis

The documented events indicate serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The use of aerial bombardment, mortar explosives, and live ammunition in densely populated civilian areas constitutes a breach of the principle of distinction and the principle of proportionality, which prohibit attacks directed at civilians and civilian objects.

The killing of Arestina Giban amounts to an arbitrary deprivation of life as regulated under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The circumstances of her death, including firing from military helicopters during a non-combat situation, meet the legal definition of extrajudicial killing. The failure to recover, identify, and return the body of the deceased child raises grave concerns under international standards governing the duty to investigate potentially unlawful deaths, including obligations to preserve evidence and ensure the dignity of the dead. Likewise, the injury of Mrs Wina Kerebea constitutes serious bodily harm, potentially amounting to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

The destruction of homes, food sources, livestock, and essential infrastructure, as well as the contamination of gardens by explosive remnants, violated civilians’ rights to adequate housing, food, health, and livelihood. The forced displacement of more than 500 civilians without safety guarantees or humanitarian assistance constitutes arbitrary displacement and exposes vulnerable populations, including women and children, to further harm.

Mrs Wina Kerebea (left) and her seven-year-old daughter Arestina Giban (right)

Photos showing the destruction of the military operation in the Woneworasosa village between 11 and 13 December 2025

Detailed Case Data
Location: Gearek, Nduga Regency, Highland Papua, Indonesia (-4.619625, 138.7794089) Woneworasosa village
Region: Indonesia, Highland Papua, Nduga, Gearek
Total number of victims: 3

#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Arestina Giban

femaleIndigenous Peoplesunlawful killing
2.Wina Kerebea

female35 Indigenous Peoplesill-treatment
3.

unknownIndigenous Peoplesill-treatment

Period of incident: 11/12/2025 – 13/12/2025
Perpetrator: , Indonesian Military (TNI)
Issues: indigenous peoples, security force violence, women and children

IDP Update January 2026:  Humanitarian crisis deteriorates as Indigenous communities bear brunt of expanding security operations

Human Rights NewsReports / IndonesiaWest Papua / 7 January 2026 

Between November and December 2025, human rights defenders and local media covered new internal displacements in West Papua due to new security force raids and the ongoing expansion of military infrastructure in the central highlands. As of 1 January 2026, more than 105,878 civilians across multiple regencies remained internally displaced due to military operations and armed conflict (see table below). The vast majority of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) are indigenous peoples, as security force operations exclusively target areas that indigenous Papuans mainly inhabit. Incidents triggering new internal displacements reportedly occurred in the regencies Mimika, Nduga, Lanny Jaya, Intan Jaya, and Yahukimo.

On 21 November 2025, the Papuan Church Council, in collaboration with the STT Walter Post Jayapura Centre for Social and Pastoral Human Rights Studies, organised a Literacy and Resilience Festival titled “Caring for Memories Through Words” in Jayapura City. The event provided a platform for IDP representatives to share their experiences and brought together civil society stakeholders to document and raise awareness about the humanitarian crisis. The testimonies at the festival illustrated both the challenges faced by displaced populations and grassroots resilience efforts.

The humanitarian conditions across all displacement sites remain uniformly dire, characterised by acute shortages of food, medicine, clean water, and shelter. IDPs sheltering in forests face particularly harsh conditions with minimal humanitarian access, while those in evacuation camps struggle with severe overcrowding, inadequate resources, and the complete cessation of daily activities. The situation is further complicated by restricted humanitarian access due to security force controls and challenging geographical conditions. The militarisation of health access in conflict zones across West Papua has created fear and hesitation in seeking medical care, with fatal consequences for vulnerable populations.

This crisis reveals a systematic pattern of military operations that disproportionately affect civilian populations and violate principles of distinction between combatants and non-combatants. The long-term nature of these displacements, with some populations like those in Pegunungan Bintang displaced since 2021 and over 10,000 Nduga IDPs living in Jayawijaya since December 2019, indicates an entrenched humanitarian emergency requiring sustained attention. The IDPs refuse to return until military forces withdraw from their villages.

Mimika

On 31 October 2025, Indonesian military forces entered Jila District, Mimika Regency, and opened fire on villages without prior warning, despite no reported armed conflict with the TPNPB at the time. The operation reportedly resulted in the internal displacement of approximately 1,500 civilians. Some fled to Timika City while others remained sheltering in forests around Jila District without government assistance or humanitarian access. Restricted internet access in the area hampered the documentation of the situation.

The crisis escalated significantly on 10 December 2025, as military forces reportedly conducted aerial bombardments in Amuagom Village at approximately 5:00 a.m. The attack destroyed civilian homes, livestock, and property, with ammunition casings found in yards and bullet holes penetrating house walls. Hundreds of IDPs fled dozens of kilometres to the Jila District centre without adequate food or water. A dozen residents fled to Puncak and Puncak Jaya Regencies. Military operations reportedly continued on 11 December, expanding to ten villages with additional troops and helicopters deployed.

IDPs fleeing the Jila District after military operations began on 31 October 2025, without prior incident or notice

Full update

https://humanrightsmonitor.org/reports/idp-update-january-2026-humanitarian-crisis-deteriorates-as-indigenous-communities-bear-brunt-of-expanding-security-operations

Formation of Three Battalions in Papua Deemed to Have Potential to Lead to Human Rights Violations

January 9, 2026 in Politics, Law, and Security Reading Time: 3 mins read

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Author: Larius Kogoya – Editor: Arjuna Pademme

Jayapura, Jubi – Reinhart Kmur, a Legal Aid Volunteer from the Papua Legal Aid Institute (LBH Papua), stated that the formation of three new TNI battalions in three regencies in Papua has the potential to lead to human rights violations.

He stated that this concern arose because the policy for resolving conflicts in Papua has always prioritized a security approach.

According to Reinhart Kmur, based on information gathered by his office, the TNI has officially formed three new battalions in three regencies in Papua: Biak Numfor Regency, Supiori Regency, and Waropen Regency.

He said, these three battalions are new units of the Territorial Development Battalion (TP) which are prepared to carry out duties in Papua in supporting food security, infrastructure development, public health, and economic empowerment to improve welfare and security in Papua.

The presence of these three battalions has the potential to create violence and perpetuate human rights violations in Papua, because the amount of violence [perpetrated by security forces] in Papua is always directly proportional to the continued implementation of a security and armed approach through military operations,” Reinhart Kmur told Jubi in Jayapura, Papua, Thursday (January 8, 2026) via text message.

Reinhart Kmur stated that, using his authority as stipulated in Article 100 of Law Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights, he strongly condemned the addition of three new battalions to Papua Province.

“Adding military personnel to Papua will only lead to human rights violations and add to the long list of human rights violations,” he said.

Kmur stated that the formation of the battalion would make the public fearful of the presence of TNI personnel. The presence of the new battalion would certainly be accompanied by the mobilization of military personnel.

“[This situation] is very dangerous amidst the TNI’s institutional problems, namely its professionalism and human rights violations,” he said.

He stated that the formation of the new battalion under the pretext of supporting food security programs, infrastructure development, economic empowerment, and other issues clearly violates the TNI’s primary duties and functions as stipulated in law.

Previously, the Kankain Karkara Byak Cultural Institute (KKB), along with tribal chiefs (Mananwir Bar Wamurem, Manfasfas Bar Wamurem, and Manfun Kawsa Byak), declared their rejection of the deployment of Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) soldiers from Battalion Yonif TP 858, Yonif TP 859, and Yonif TP 860 in the Byak customary territory of Biak Numfor Regency and Supiori Regency, Papua.

This statement was conveyed by the Kankain Karkara Byak Cultural Institute and the tribal chiefs, who claim to represent the entire Byak indigenous community, through the Chairman of the Byak Tribal Customary Council, Apolos Sroyer, to Jubi via telephone on Tuesday (January 6, 2026).

Apolos Sroyer stated that personnel from the 858th, 859th, and 860th Infantry Battalions (TP Yonif TP Yonif TP 858, TP Yonif TP 859, and TP Yonif TP 860) were stationed in Biak Numfor, Supiori Regency, from November 29-30, 2025. The military personnel arrived in Biak aboard a Navy ship.

“The presence of these TNI Battalion personnel surprised the public. Approximately 1,700 personnel from the three battalions were deployed to Biak,” said Apolos Sroyer.

According to Apolos Sroyer, the TNI personnel were divided into several locations. The 858th Infantry Battalion was stationed in the Wamure customary area of ​​East Biak, while the 859th and 860th Infantry Battalions were stationed in Supiori Regency.

“The presence of these TNI personnel is very worrying and has seriously disrupted the activities of indigenous communities in Biak Numfor and Supiori Regencies, which are part of the Byak customary territory,” he said.

He said that, in general, the community was unaware of the deployment of military personnel in these locations. Only certain community members held limited meetings and closed-door meetings with the TNI, then released hundreds of thousands of hectares of land for the construction of TNI posts or headquarters. (*)

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Indonesia calls in military to help clear forests at rapid pace

Indonesia is clearing forests at a rapid pace with military assistance in one of its most biodiverse regions for a state-backed agricultural project, even as recent fatal floods have illustrated the dangers of deforestation.

Some soldiers have posted videos on TikTok posing with excavators and regular patrols © reinharddengo/TikTok

Billed as a project to ensure the fourth-most populous nation’s food and energy security, Indonesia is planning to cultivate rice and sugar on 3mn hectares in the eastern province of Papua. The area covers a mix of primary forests, grasslands, woodlands and wetlands.

It will ultimately be five times the size of London and bring irreversible environmental consequences, worsen greenhouse gas emissions and reverse the south-east Asian country’s progress over the past decade in slowing deforestation for palm oil production.

A former general is overseeing the project, and five battalions have been placed in Papua to support the government’s food security initiatives in the province.

Residents and local activists say soldiers are involved in the clearing of forests and eviction of residents, in addition to providing security. Some soldiers have posted videos on TikTok posing with excavators and regular patrols.

Military posts have also been set up near food estate developments, according to the residents and satellite imagery analysed by the Financial Times. 

“Since the clearing of the forest, the military has been actively involved,” said Ariston Moiwen, a resident in the South Papua town of Merauke, whose family land has been taken over for rice cultivation. “The military operates the heavy equipment too,” said Ariston, who still lives nearby.

Between May 2024 and November 2025, more than 40,000 hectares of land were cleared, according to an FT analysis of satellite imagery.

While a fraction of the total being razed, the pace has been swift. Most of the land cleared so far is being prepared for sugarcane, which will also be used to produce bioethanol.

“It’s hard to justify this project from any perspective . . . environmental, climate and the wellbeing of local communities,” said Glenn Hurowitz, chief executive of environmental group Mighty Earth.

The so-called food estate project stands in sharp contrast to the climate pledges that President Prabowo Subianto has made to achieve net zero emissions before 2060, and his public comments in the aftermath of floods in recent weeks that claimed more than 1,000 lives in Sumatra.

Environmentalists, scientists and even government officials say the loss of forests for mining and palm oil production and resulting soil degradation on Sumatra island exacerbated the flooding and deadly landslides.

Prabowo vowed action after touring the devastated areas, threatening fines for companies in breach of permits. “Climate change, global warming and environmental damage. These are issues we must confront,” he said. “We must truly prevent the cutting down of trees and the destruction of forests.”

But late last year, he said claims about deforestation should not deter the expansion of palm oil plantations. “I think in the future, we also need to plant more palm oil. Oil palms are trees, right? They have leaves, right? So why are we being accused [of deforestation]?”

The government has already revoked the “forest area” status for hundreds of thousands of hectares in Papua to allow the protected areas to be converted to agricultural development, conceived under former President Joko Widodo.

Natural ecosystems in Papua had previously remained largely intact because of its remoteness and the presence of indigenous communities.

But that is now under threat, with another part of Papua also being developed for contentious nickel mining.

Indonesia is the world’s fifth-largest emitter, based on CO₂ emissions, of about 660mn tonnes from fuel combustion, according to the International Energy Agency.

A government-sanctioned feasibility study dated July 2024, seen by the FT, estimated emissions of 315mn tonnes from the land clearing, but independent groups have forecast more than double that amount.

The study, conducted by Indonesian inspection group Sucofindo, also acknowledges that the rice fields will overlap with protected forests, wildlife sanctuaries and nature reserves. Papua is home to rare birds, tree kangaroos and other endemic species.

It says the development will result in increased temperatures, disruption to water systems and soil degradation. Sucofindo did not respond to a request for comment on its report. Indonesia has said it planned reforestation over 12mn hectares to mitigate possible negative impacts from the food estates.

A former military general, Prabowo has made food and energy security one of his priorities.

But campaigners say Indonesia does not need to sacrifice its nature to expand food production. “The major agricultural industries in Indonesia have shown that it is possible to expand by focusing on productivity improvements and their expansion on degraded lands, instead of bulldozing intact rainforest,” said Hurowitz.

Deforestation in Indonesia for rice terraces develops at rapid pace

A map of land with a map of land

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The development also involves a massive infrastructure effort: a 135km road, a seaside port and a new airport. About 59km of the road has been completed as of November after construction began in July 2024.  

The project is being led by two Indonesian companies. The Jhonlin Group, a coal miner and palm oil producer, is developing the rice fields and ordered 2,000 excavators from China to be used for the Papua project.

The Merauke Sugar Group is leading the sugarcane cultivation. The companies did not respond to requests for comment.

US chocolate maker Hershey has suspended both companies from its suppliers list because of their involvement in the Papua project, according to a grievance log published on its website. 

Blood, silence and history: questioning Indonesia’s 1965 narrative

Duncan Graham

 December 11, 2025 

As Indonesia prepares to release a new official national history, an Australian historian’s account of the 1965–66 mass killings threatens to reopen a long-suppressed debate about power, violence, and memory.Indonesia’s reputation for tolerance is about to be tested by an Australian academic. Queensland historian Greg Poulgrain says he isn’t seeking fame or notoriety, just “telling the truth”, but fears his name will be trashed and research shredded. That’s if the Indonesian government responds furiously to a foreigner challenging the official account of frenzied killings as “one of the darkest turning points in Indonesia’s modern history.”

The Indonesian government-approved version of the past six decades has a surprise Moscow-engineered Communist plot to take over the Republic. This was thwarted by the military and courageous General Soeharto, who was then rewarded with the presidency, a position he held for 32 years.

The US Central Intelligence Agency claimed: “The (1965-66 anti-Communist) massacres in Indonesia rank as one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century.”

In 1966, Australian PM Harold Holt callously quipped: “With 500,000 to one million Communist sympathisers knocked off, I think it’s safe to say a reorientation has taken place.”

This month Jakarta plans to launch a new official history of the world’s fourth largest nation by population (285 million) with 88 per cent Sunni Muslims.

US and UK-educated former journalist Fadli Zon is Indonesia’s Minister for Culture. He’s ordered the writing of his nation’s history in ten volumes by more than a hundred academics pounding laptops. The section dealing with the 1965 crisis should be on the streets before 2025 departs.

Also to be released this month by Kompas, the nation’s premier publisher, is Poulgrain’s Blood and Silence – the Hidden Tragedy 1965.

His account has the plot known ahead of time by Soeharto, who launched the genocide backed by Washington. He’s just been awarded National Hero status by his former son-in-law, current President Prabowo Subianto.

Nations tack together myths about themselves that become so embedded they morph into truths and resist scrutiny.

Ours is that we’re tough Ozzies, big on mateship and giving all a go, sturdy upholders of the Anzac spirit, larrikins who value independence.

Indonesia’s pride is a nation of friendly folk, humble and helpful, accepting those who follow different gods, values and opinions.

That’s the opposite of the ghastly reality that still stains memories and stirs fears of a repeat in the land next door, once red with the blood of executions. This writer has been shown bunkers on riverbanks, allegedly mass graves from the 60s, undisturbed lest they release vengeful ghosts.

The excuse for the slaughter is that the wee folk were impetuously aroused to slitting neighbours’ and relatives’ throats because the godless Communists were about to overthrow the government and ban Islam. They didn’t need encouragement.

Poulgrain’s account doesn’t follow that script. He has US capitalists and right-wing politicians in cahoots with Muslim big business, determined to rip out the land rights movement rooted in Marxism, not through legislation and debate but violence.

During his 20-year reign, founding President Soekarno had grown close to the Partai Komunis Indonesia and away from the West and foreign corporations. His home-grown ideology was Nasakom, a contrived blend of nationalism, Islam and Communism. No reference to the military.

Nasakom remained illusory,” writes Poulgrain. “Soekarno’s political opponents took every opportunity to label him as a Communist, though (President) John Kennedy knew this was untrue.

“This worried the PKI’s fierce rivals, the Indonesian Army, whose power waned as the PKI grew.”

The story of Asia’s largest genocide is one that few Australians know and many Indonesians don’t want told. On the last day of September 1965, Indonesians woke to news that six generals had been seized from their homes by soldiers, shot, and their bodies dumped in a well at an air force base after being castrated and their eyes gouged by naked dancing women.

This was an embellishment to pique outrage – autopsies found no traces of torture and mutilation. Nor were there any nudies.

The killers were alleged to be Communists, and the mastermind was supposed to be Moscow. Russia and China were rivals seeking the support of the Partai Komunis Indonesia, then the world’s largest Communist party outside the Sino-Soviet Bloc.

That afternoon, the public was reassured by radio that the government of the first President Soekarno was intact, though the military was in charge through a ‘Revolutionary Council’.

This was led by General Soeharto, who later became the second president and held his job for 32 years. During this time, he and his family allegedly amassed US $35 billion of public money through widespread corruption.

In 1965, he ordered the nation cleansed of the ungodly PKI, so the military broke out its armouries for the killing squads. Modern weapons weren’t always necessary, as scythes and other farm tools were used to murder villagers the Army had labelled Reds. They helpfully distributed lists of those doomed to die.

Poulgrain quotes a distressed Soekarno saying: “Those people instigating the anti-PKI massacres, namely, the Army and the CIA, ought to be brought to trial.” That didn’t happen. Soekarno’s power was waning, and Soeharto’s narrative of a spontaneous and unstoppable grass-roots uprising prevailed.

Poulgrain’s research has Soeharto well prepared ahead of the coup. “At no time during his two decades in the military (prior to 1965) did Soeharto acquire a reputation of being anti-PKI … (he was) more concerned with business than politics.”

Poulgrain claims the unarmed Communists allegedly threatening the State were in reality “landless rice-farmers (petani) whose very existence depended on getting some land to grow rice. They comprised the bulk of PKI membership … supporting legal land reform in the hope of securing a small patch to grow their own food.

“On the other side were Muslim landlords for whom land reform was seen as a threat to their livelihood, wealth and status, their very existence.

“Most petani had no land at all … 60 to 70 per cent were pursuing subsistence-based agriculture.”

Sixty years on, land reform and inequality remain weeping wounds. In the 2024 presidential election campaign, The Jakarta Post commented: “Economic inequality, notably in income and wealth ownership, should have been discussed vigorously because of its connection to economic instability and political unrest.

“(There’s a) correlation between economic inequality and slow economic income disparity; last year was the worst in the last five years … remaining among the highest in Asia.”

If this gulf isn’t bridged, sociologists fear another volcano of violence could erupt.

G30S remains a compulsory annual national holiday with all flags at half-mast, including those on residents’ gates.

There are sickening dioramas in a special Jakarta museum celebrating the horrors, influencing school kids on compulsory visits. There’s a huge statue of the six murdered generals looking formidable. Doubts voiced by outsiders get ridiculed with the easy slur that critics are Fellow Travellers.

Poulgrain’s 122-page book is based on years of research and interviews held with key participants in Indonesia and overseas for his PhD in the last century, when many witnesses were alive. He writes:

“Australia’s biggest contribution to the Army’s anti-communist campaign was broadcasting and supporting Indonesian Army propaganda.

“The Army seized control of virtually all of Indonesia’s media after the attempted coup. It began an aggressive and pervasive anti-PKI campaign, spreading dangerous disinformation to discredit and dehumanise the Communists.  The party and its principles are still banned.

“Radio Australia fed the Indonesian population an Indonesian Army-approved political narrative that Ambassador Mick Shann said ‘should [be thumped] into Indonesians’ as much as possible.”

Those words are the advice of Australia’s then leading diplomat in Jakarta.

The first edition of Blood and Silence will be in English. Whether Kompas will be forced to abandon its promise to publish in Indonesian will be a test of the nation’s tolerance for dissenting views, a pillar of democracy.The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

Duncan Graham

Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.

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President Wenda: December 1st a celebration of West Papuan unity

NOVEMBER 4, 2025

On behalf of the ULMWP, I declare this December 1st to be a celebration of West Papuan unity.

In that spirit, I acknowledge and welcome the statement of support for me as President of West Papua from West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) spokesperson Sebby Sambom and Chief of Staff Terianus Satto. This is a major step forward for our movement and I thank Sebby and Terianus for their important message. We know our enemy always seeks to divide us. We must all move toward the same mission: one people, one soul.

This December 1st I call on all West Papuans, wherever you are, to honour the Morning Star by wearing its colours on your clothes. We must show the Indonesian colonisers that the spirit of the struggle is as much a part of West Papua as the clothes we wear.  

Every December 1st, West Papuans celebrate our Independence Day in 1961, when our nation announced itself to the world as the first liberated Melanesian state. In a ceremony witnessed by six countries, including the UK, France, the Netherlands, and our neighbour Papua New Guinea, the New Guinea Council raised the Morning Star and sang our national anthem for the first time. Our freedom may have been stolen from us by Indonesia’s invasion two year later, but we still honour 1961 as our national day.  

The situation on the ground is worse than it has been since 2019. Every day brings a new massacre, a new killing, a new incident of torture or rape. In the past three months, we have seen the murder of fifteen Papuans in Intan Jaya, the relentless bombardment of the Star Mountain, the killing of children and mothers, and riots triggered by racist abuse of Papuan students in Yalimo. 

At the same time, Indonesia’s war criminal President Prabowo is continuing with the destruction of the Papuan rainforest. The National Strategic Project (PSN) in Merauke is the biggest plantation in human history: it is a planet killer.  

These events show how urgent the need for unity among West Papuans is. We know that all West Papuans support Merdeka, whether in the bush, the village, the refugee camps or the cities. But we cannot have any hope of saving our people or protecting our forest if we don’t stand together. I therefore urge my people, continue to rally behind the ULMWP. This is your government and your constitution. We have thousands of representatives across our land. 

We know our enemy will exploit any division between us. By unifying, we honour our ancestors and all those who have fought against Indonesian colonial rule. They joined the struggle because they believed that one day, the Morning Star would fly freely in every village and town across West Papua.  

To our supporters around the world, please raise the Morning Star on November 1st. Our national flag is illegal in our own country. If we raise it, paint it on our faces, or shout for freedom in the streets, we can be imprisoned for twenty-five years. We can also be shot dead, as 18-year-old Obert Mirip was in July. This is why we need our allies to fly the flag for us. 

Benny Wenda
President 
ULMWP

How UN betrayal of West Papua led to genocide, step by step

by Julie Wark 24th October 2025

The United Nations has recently come under attack from the Trump Administration and, much as it goes against the grain, it’s difficult to argue with real-estate-developer-cum-ambassador-representative for UN Management and Reform [sic], Jeff Bartos:

“Over 80 years, the UN has grown bloated, unfocused, too often ineffective, and sometimes even part of the problem. The UN’s failure to deliver on its core mandates is alarming and undeniable.”

Yet the problem isn’t really the UN. One notable symptom of its malaise is the Security Council and its five veto-playing permanent members — the US, UK, France, China and Russia — representing the world system that assist and cover up for their allies who commit human rights violations, war crimes and genocide, and that also outsource such crimes. But lèse-humanité is the crime par excellence of the international system. It’s a basic principle of colonial “development”. So what follows isn’t about kicking the UN when it’s down, but about how the rulers of this system use any institution, democratic or otherwise, to achieve their own diabolical and white supremacist ends.

I’m sorry — in more ways than one — that this article is long.

It’s long because the list of UN (when I refer to the UN, I’m basically referring to the world system) offences against the people of West Papua is hideously long. Sadly, my list is by no means complete because there’s lots of “classified” material I don’t know about and many, many secrets, but I hope it gives a glimpse of how the international system works when it wants to get whole encumbering peoples out of its way.

I’m taking it as given that Indonesia is committing genocide in West Papua. It’s done stealthily but there’s plenty of evidence (for example, see here, here, and here) for it. However, the facts show that, in this six-decade-plus crime against humanity, Indonesia has been the tool of other interests, that the role of the United Nations (by which I mean some of its dominant powers and personalities) has been particularly egregious, and this is surely one of the reasons why the West Papua genocide has continued sub rosa, deliberately silenced, for more than 60 years. There are many aspects of the UN betrayal because they belong to big-power politics and they’re convoluted because of the secrecy that surrounds them.

This isn’t about an isolated instance of genocidal violence. It fits into a world system where white supremacist brutality, going back at least to the period of early modern European overseas expansion from the 15th century, the so-called Age of Discovery (a quintessentially Eurocentric concept), turned into a “scientifically-based” system with the Enlightenment and didn’t end with decolonisation. I’d suggest, after reading documents from the time when West Papua was gifted to Indonesia, that the latter was less the West’s darling than a mere instrument unscrupulously used to favour the economic and geopolitical interests of white supremacy and its destructive notions of “progress and development”. It’s not only the various Indonesian regimes that are responsible for mass murder in West Papua, but also and especially their enablers in the international political system represented by the UN and the big powers.

I can only partially list the crimes committed against West Papua (and, here, I’m indebted to painstaking research by Julian McKinlay King, John Saltford, Greg Poulgrain, and others). But even an incomplete list gives an idea of the magnitude of this lèse-humanité, this core crime of international law. I’m not interested in “speaking truth to power” because I agree with Pankaj Mishra that this is a naïve exercise. Those in power know and control the truth. I studied politics and am not an expert in international law so I hope I don’t misinterpret some aspects of it. In any case, the hard facts are enraging for any decent human being. Experts in international law are often too invested in, or too occupied with, other aspects of the corrupt system to inquire into the evidence of Indonesia’s daily genocidal actions in West Papua, and too demoralised to try to stop them through the shoddy institutions at their disposal. Yet any non-expert person who cares to look at the documents can see quite plainly that, in the last almost 65 years of West Papua’s history, the UN has played a shameful role, not only allowing this to happen but deliberately colluding with it. The very forum that has the power to stop the genocide is complicit in it.

It was only recently that the UN finally acknowledged that Israel is committing genocide in Palestine, and I can’t help wondering whether all this fudging about the word is somehow related with fear of disclosure of the UN’s active role in abetting and silencing the West Papua genocide. I list 43 aspects of this below.

For the full article please see below.

The article in CounterPunch does list 43 separate paragraphs which are a real work of research and worthwhile reading editors note

Republished from CounterPunch, 24 October 2025

The views expressed in this article may or may not reflect those of Pearls and Irritations.

AWPA Statement – Indonesian military kill 15 West Papuans, the majority civilians during military operation

During the military operation the security forces  conducted house to house searches and opened fire in an  indiscriminate fashion resulting in 15 deaths. According to community sources  soldiers buried most of the bodies  with some still to be found. 

      Human Rights Monitor

Joe Collins of AWPA said, “as with previous military operations  local people fled in fear of their lives. In this case up to 145 residents fled from Soanggama, Janamba, and Kulapa. There are now over 100,000 displaced people in West Papua. Many are malnourished and children are missing out on their education”.

The security forces claimed that  the dead were  members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) and they were killed  in a firefight.

However, TPNPB Spokesperson Sebby Sambom  reported only  three of the dead were  TPNPB members. 

Local church leaders and civil society groups also disputed the official narrative. The Intan Jaya Conflict Mediation Team stated that not all 15 victims were affiliated with the TPNPB, identifying at least nine civilians, including a deaf man and a housewife who died while fleeing. 

The Head of the Intan Jaya Conflict Mediation Team, Yoakim Mujizau, said  that his team had visited Soanggama Village and identified the victims and gathered information from residents who witnessed the incident. The team also received information from members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) stationed there.

The latest information is that all the victims have been buried by the Task Force in different locations. Two victims were buried in Soanggama Hamlet in front of the Protestant Church. Six people were buried in Dusandigi Hamlet, Soanggama Village, and one woman was buried in Jembatan Hamlet, on the Wuisiga River.

Meanwhile, the bodies of the other six victims have not yet been found.

“The security forces are still unwilling to provide information. Where are the shooting victims? And where are they buried? So we are still investigating the whereabouts of the bodies, and we have not yet identified them,” he said.

Collins said, “we have statements from the Indonesia  military  saying it reclaimed/ liberated  a village from the TPNPB when  the only liberation that needs to be done is the liberation of West Papuans from the oppression of the Indonesian security forces”.

Joe Collins said,” we have a massacre of Papuan civilians on our doorstep and there is no comment from Canberra on the incident. No concern about the ongoing human rights abuses, the military operations or the death of civilians in the territory”. 

All Canberra does “is to train and exercise with the Indonesian military. Sign a  defence treaty  with PNG and build up bases for US forces in the north. All to prepare for some imaginary invasion from China. Australia has always been concerned about stability in the region to our north, but the West Papua issue is the one issue that could cause the very instability the Canberra fears.

The West Papuan issue is not going away. Time for Canberra to become involved and put pressure on Jakarta to control its military in West Papua, as a first small step.

Ends

Sources

Jubi, Human Rights Monitor and Civil society reports 

Arbitrary arrests and restriction of peaceful assembly in Jayapura

15 October 2025 / 2 minutes of reading

On 23 September 2025, police officers from the Jayapura Police arbitrarily detained thirteen members of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) in the Sentani area while they were distributing leaflets to announce an upcoming peaceful demonstration marking International Farmers’ Day (24 September 2025). According to local reports, at 10:08 am, police officers stopped the activists at the old Sentani Market (Pasar Lama) and detained them after 20 minutes of tense negotiations. The police seized the leaflets and transported the KNPB activists to the local police station for questioning. They were allowed to leave later that day.

In the afternoon, around 3:30 pm, KNPB members in Abepura and Kamkey, Jayapura City, continued distributing the same leaflets at strategic public points. The police again intervened, seizing the leaflets and detaining several individuals in police vehicles. In response, other KNPB members and residents marched to the Abepura Police Station to protest the arbitrary detention and demand an explanation.

Human rights analysis

This incident demonstrates a continuing pattern of repression of peaceful political expression in West Papua. The arrests of non-violent activists for merely distributing informational materials represent a violation of the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association, as guaranteed under Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Indonesia is a State Party. The use of police force to silence non-violent activists highlights the shrinking democratic space in West Papua and perpetuates an atmosphere of fear among civil society organisations. The events underscore the urgent need for systemic reform of policing practices in West Papua to prevent and reduce human rights violations.

Detailed Case Data
Location: CGJ4+W2W, Jln.mahkal;),;Pasar Lama, Hinekombe, Kec. Sentani, Kabupaten Jayapura, Papua 99352, Indonesia (-2.567648, 140.5050644) pasar Lama Sentani (Old Sentani Market)
Region: Indonesia, Papua, Jayapura Regency, Sentani
Total number of victims: 13

#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.13 

maleunknown Activist, Indigenous Peoples

Period of incident: 23/09/2025 – 23/09/2025
Perpetrator: , POLRES

Perpetrator details: Polres and Polresta Jayapura

Issues: indigenous peoples

Indigenous community faces criminalization and land seizures as Merauke Food Estate Project advances

16 October 2025 / 4 minutes of reading

The Indonesian government’s ambitious National Strategic Project (PSN) in Merauke has entered a critical phase marked by escalating conflict between indigenous landowners and corporations backed by state authority, with customary land seizures now accompanied by police criminalization of community members resisting plantation development on their ancestral territories. On 29 September 2025, Coordinating Minister for Food Zulkifli Hasan announced plans to convert 481,000 hectares of Papuan forest in Wanam, Merauke Regency, for rice, oil palm, sugarcane, and cassava production, alongside renewable energy facilities, including bioethanol and biodiesel processing industries. The government claims the forest area has already been “released” from protected status, with Minister of Agrarian Affairs, Nusron Wahid, stating the land “does not belong to the community because it was previously state forest,” allocating 263,000 hectares for rice fields in Wanam, 41,000 hectares in Merauke City, 146,000 hectares for oil palm, and 1,140 hectares for ports and settlements. This massive land conversion contradicts the lived reality of indigenous Yei communities like the Kwipalo clan, whose ancestral territories are being forcibly seized by PT Murni Nusantara Mandiri (MNM). The company is part of the PT Global Papua Abadi consortium holding a 52,700-hectare concession for sugar cane plantation development.

The conflict reached a new level on 15 September 2025, when Mr Vincen Kwipalo and his relatives physically stopped PT MNM employees operating excavators and bulldozers clearing their customary forest to build road access through Kwipalo clan territory in Jagebob District. Following this confrontation, PT MNM used one of its employees to file a police report against Mr Kwipalo at the Merauke Resort Police Station. Following the police report, Mr Kwipalo was summoned for clarification on 2 October 2025. On 17 September 2025, Mr Kwipalo and three relatives erected traditional barriers named “Sasi“ using tree trunks across the cleared land, painting them orange and posting warning signs reading “No entry to the Kwipalo customary area,” to protect the 2,308 hectares of ancestral land threatened by corporate encroachment. As of August 2025, PT MNM had already cleared 4,912 hectares of the concession area, with periodic monitoring by Pusaka Bentala Rakyat Foundation documenting ongoing deforestation.

The Kwipalo clan’s resistance reflects systematic violations of indigenous land rights under Indonesian law, particularly Article 43(3) of Law No. 2/2021, requiring that provision of customary and individual land “for any purpose” must be “carried out through deliberation with the customary law community and residents concerned to reach an agreement on the transfer of required land and compensation.”

The Kwipalo Clan has manifested its rejection through multiple channels: planting red crosses on customary territory as traditional symbols of prohibition, openly declaring rejection through the national media, staging demonstrations in both Merauke and Jakarta, and filing an ongoing lawsuit with Indonesia’s Constitutional Court challenging the project’s legality. His position is reinforced by Article 21 of Merauke Regency Regulation No. 5/2013. The article obligates the South Papua Governor and Merauke Regent to immediately order PT. MNM to stop the criminal act of seizing and embezzling the customary land of the Kwipalo clan and protect Mr. Vinsen Kwipalo from the threat of criminalisation. State institutions, including the police, have become enforcement mechanisms for corporate land acquisition. Ín addition, the military has established the 817th Territorial Development Infantry Battalion within PT MNM’s concession area on Kwipalo customary land in July 2025, without clan permission or consent. The developments support growing concerns of deliberate militarization for the purpose of securing corporate business interests.

The Merauke PSN represents a broader pattern documented across Indonesia, where National Strategic Projects systematically dispossess indigenous communities under the legal framework established by the Job Creation Law. Civil society organizations argue that the law provides “facilitation and acceleration” mechanisms that bypass normal consultation and compensation requirements. The case parallels the displacement of 75 families from Soa Village in Tanah Miring District by PT Global Papua Abadi for road and bridge construction, and other conflicts at other PSN sites, including Rempang Island (Riau Islands), Indonesian Green Industrial Zone (North Kalimantan), and the National Capital (East Kalimantan), where communities face forced evictions for development projects. Greenpeace Indonesia Forest Campaigner, Mrs Sekar Banjaran Aji, notedthat “PSN Merauke has deprived indigenous peoples of their rights, destroyed natural forests, and threatened the biodiversity of the landscape,” while emphasizing that “the involvement of the army and police in the project has also caused terror among the community and indigenous Papuans.” 

Indonesia’s National Human Rights Commission has documented violations in PSN Merauke activities. Yet the government continues advancing the project as part of President Prabowo Subianto’s vision referenced at the UN General Assembly, positioning Indonesia as a “candidate for the world’s food barn.” The Papua Law Enforcement and Human Rights Coalition has called on the President to “immediately revoke the National Strategic Project policy that legalizes PT. MNM’s seizure and misappropriation of the customary land of the Kwipalo clan. The criminalization of Mr Vincen Kwipalo represents an “early example” of tactics that will be deployed against indigenous land rights holders resisting investment projects throughout the South Papua Province and in other PSN sites across Indonesia.

Mr Vinsen Kwipalo stops PT MNM excavators from destroying the Kwipalo clan’s customary forest, 17 September 2025

Mr Vinsen Kwipalo and supporters in front of the Merauke District Police Station, 2 October 2025

Detailed Case Data
Location: Jagebob, Merauke Regency, South Papua, Indonesia (-7.9103659, 140.7624493)Kwipalo customary land in Jagebob District
Region: Indonesia, South Papua, Merauke, Jagebob
Total number of victims: dozens

#Number of VictimsName, DetailsGenderAgeGroup AffiliationViolations
1.Vincent Kipalo

maleelderly Human Rights Defender (HRD), Indigenous Peoples
2.dozens 

mixedunknown Indigenous Peoples

Period of incident: 15/09/2025 – 15/10/2025
Perpetrator: Private Company, Government
Issues: business, human rights and FPIC, human rights defenders, indigenous peoples