A brutal killing of three Papuan civilians in Puncak Jaya reveals that occupied West Papua is a ticking time bomb under Indonesian President-elect Prabowo Subianto, claims the leader of an advocacy group.
And United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) Benny Wenda says the Melanesian region risks becoming “another East Timor”.
The victims have been named as Tonda Wanimbo, 33; Dominus Enumbi, and Murib Government.
Their killings were followed by riots in Puncak Jaya as angry indigenous residents protested in front of the local police station and set fire to police cars, said Wenda in a statement.
“This incident is merely the most recent example of Indonesia’s military and business strategy in West Papua,” he said.
“Indonesia deliberately creates escalations to justify deploying more troops, particularly in mineral-rich areas, causing our people to scatter and allowing international corporations to exploit the empty land – starting the cycle of bloodshed all over again.”
According to the ULMWP, 4500 Indonesian troops have recently been deployed to Paniai, one of the centres of West Papuan resistance.
An estimated 100,000 West Papuans have been displaced since 2018, while recent figures show more than 76,000 Papuans remain internally displaced — “living as refugees in the bush”.
Indonesia ‘wants our land’ “Indonesia wants our land and our resources, not our people,” Wenda said.
The Indonesian military claimed that the three men were members of the resistance movement TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army), but this has been denied.
Military spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Candra Kurniawan claimed one of the men had been sought by security forces for six years for alleged shootings of civilians and security personnel.
“This is the same lie they told about Enius Tabuni and the five Papuan teenagers murdered in Yahukimo in September 2023,” Wenda said.
“The military line was quickly refuted by a community leader in Puncak Jaya, who clarified that the three men were all civilians.”
Concern over Warinussy Wenda said he was also “profoundly concerned” over the shooting of lawyer and human rights defender Christian Warinussy.
Warinussy has spent his career defending indigenous Papuans who have expelled from their ancestral land to make way for oil palm plantations and industrial mines.
“Although we don’t know who shot him, his shooting acts as a clear warning to any Papuans who stand up for their customary land rights or investigates Indonesia’s crimes,” Wenda said.
Indonesia’s latest violence is taking place “in the shadow of Prabowo Subianto”, who is due to take office as President on October 20.
Jakarta anti-graft court on Thursday sentenced a former agriculture minister to 10 years in prison for extortion and misuse of public funds, raising questions again about outgoing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s commitment to fight corruption.
Syahrul Yasin Limpo, 69, became the sixth cabinet minister in Jokowi’s two presidential terms to be embroiled in corruption allegations.
Presiding Judge Rianto Adam Pontoh said Syahrul had extorted more than 44 billion rupiah (U.S. $2.75 million) between 2020 and 2023, using the money to buy cars and jewelry, to pay for beauty treatments and family parties or to provide gifts to others.
“The defendant Syahrul Yasin Limpo has been proven legally and convincingly, according to the law, guilty of committing the crime of corruption jointly and continuously,” Rianto ruled.
Court documents said the ex-minister threatened to dismiss his subordinates if they refused to comply with his demand for 20% of the ministry’s budgeted funds, which he used for personal, family and colleagues’ interests.
The judge said the ex-minister had extorted the money through two of his subordinates, Kasdi Subagyono, his secretary general; and Muhammad Hatta, director of the Agricultural Equipment and Machinery directorate. The judge sentenced them to four years each, as well.
While prosecutors had requested a 12-year prison term, the judge issued a more lenient sentence, noting that Syahrul returned some of the money. He also noted the former minister had made a positive contribution in handling the national food crisis during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Former cabinet minister Syahrul Yasin Limpo (left) looks at supporters during his sentencing in a Jakarta courtroom, July 11, 2024. [Eko Siswono Toyudho/BenarNews]
Syahrul’s lawyer Djamaludidin Koedoeboen said his client had not decided if he would appeal the ruling. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had named Syahrul as an extortion suspect on Oct. 11, 2023.
After the sentencing, Syahrul apologized to his family, the community and his colleagues in the NasDem Party.
At the start of Syahrul’s trial in February, prosecutor Taufiq Ibnugroho said the former minister appointed trusted people to collect money from his subordinates.
When presenting his case on July 5, Syahrul tearfully claimed to not be very wealthy.
“I am one of the poorest ministers,” he said.
Syahrul’s assets total about 20 billion rupiah (U.S. $1.24 million), according to the government’s state officials wealth report (LHKPN).
Indonesia Corruption Watch researcher Kurnia Ramadhana said he hoped the KPK would continue to develop the case against Syahrul by summoning his family.
“The KPK needs to conduct further investigations. The witness’s statement in the trial that said Syahrul’s family also enjoyed the proceeds of corruption must be taken seriously,” Kurnia told BenarNews.
The case took a bizarre turn in November 2023 when the then-KPK chief, Firli Bahuri, was suspended – and then fired a month later – after being suspected of demanding bribes from Syahrul in exchange for leniency in the graft case against him.
Firli, a former police general, has also been named a suspect in an extortion case by the Jakarta police.
The “Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on State and Environmental Violence in West Papua” took place last month at Queen Mary University of London.
A panel of tribunal experts heard evidence from numerous international NGOs and local civil society organisations as well as testimonies from individuals who have witnessed human rights violations and environmental destruction.
The Tribunal stated that the Indonesian state has forcibly taken Indigenous Papuan lands through racial discrimination, leading to cultural loss and violent repression, including unlawful detention, extrajudicial killings, displacement, and environmental degradation. It urged the international community, particularly the UN, to respond urgently to the situation in Papua.
The Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT) is a public opinion tribunal based on the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Peoples (Algiers, 1976) and on all the instruments of international law; the various chapters of the PPT have sought to struggle against impunity and to promote respect for human rights, access to justice and the re-appropriation of the human rights instruments; the PPT is able to adjudicate flagrant, systemic and systematic violations of the rights of peoples;
It combined legal scholars, right-defending NGOs, and West Papuans in exile, with eye-witnesses from West Papua connecting via online calls. These tribunals examine international law, but cannot enforce their judgement. The Indonesian state is accused of the following,
The Indonesian state is accused of taking the ancestral land of the Indigenous Papuan people against their will, employing racial discrimination which leads to the loss of culture, traditions and Indigenous knowledge, erases their history and subsumes them into the Indonesian national narrative.
The Indonesian state is accused of violent repression, including unlawful detention, extra-judicial killing, and population displacement in West Papua as a means of furthering industrial development.
The Indonesian state is accused of organised environmental degradation, including the destruction of eco-systems, contamination of land, the poisoning of rivers and their tributaries and of providing the permits, concessions and legal structure of non-compliance for national and foreign companies to invest in West Papua in a way that encourages environmental degradation.
The Indonesian state is accused of colluding with national and foreign companies to cause environmental degradation, population displacement and sustain violent repression in West Papua.
The panel of experts comprised of Teresa Almeida Cravo (Portugal), Donna Andrews (South Africa), Daniel Feierstein (Argentina), Marina Forti (Italy), Larry Lohmann (UK), Nello Rossi (Italy), and Solomon Yeo (Solomon Islands), according to the website of Queen Mary University of London,
The territory of West Papua refers to the Western half of the island of New Guinea, partitioned as a result of European colonial settlement. West Papuans, an Indigenous Melanesian people, have been engaged in a struggle for their right to self-determination since colonisation by the Netherlands in 1898.
Responding to the final statement of the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on Papua in London, Amnesty International Indonesia’s executive director Usman Hamid said:
“The final statement truly mirrors the deteriorating developments in Papua. Their historic findings signal the depth of human rights violations and environmental destruction in the region.
“The tribunal is a great start to paving the way to justice in Papua and we hope that it serves as an opportunity for the international community to stand in solidarity with the people of Papua, to acknowledge their suffering and to support their fight for human rights.
“The Indonesian authorities have continuously failed to end the conflict that keeps claiming more civilian lives in the region. It is therefore essential for authorities to evaluate its military operations and business activities by corporate actors to ensure the recovery and the protection of human rights in Papua.
“This arduous path of justice for Papuans must end. It is high time for the international community to call on the Indonesian authorities to end the long-established violence.”
Jayapura – Zakarias Talaty, the sole judge at the Jayapura District Court, has rejected a pretrial motion on behalf of senior Papuan journalist Victor Mambor against an Order to Stop Investigation (SP3) issued by the North Jayapura Sectoral Police (Polsek) on the grounds that the SP3 was legitimate due to the lack of witnesses who saw the bomb attack on Mambor’s home in March 2023.
Papua Human Rights Lawyers Association (PAHAM Papua) Director Gustaf R. Kawer said that the Papua Regional Police should take the Molotov bomb terror attack seriously by involving the Detachment 88 counter-terrorism unit.
“Not ‘trivialising’ it by allowing the investigators at the Polsek level to handle such a serious case, because the quality of investigators and the minimal equipment has an impacted on the conclusion that there was a lack of witnesses who saw the incident”, Kawer said as quoted in a press release received by Jubi on Tuesday July 9.
Kawer said that the bomb attack against Victor Mambor is a serious matter, because it is categorised as a special criminal offense regulated under the Anti-Terrorism Law and the Law on Firearms and Ammunition Owners.
“The police must take it seriously, because it involves the safety of people and the general public”, he said.
The lack of seriousness by the police in handling the case through to the issuance of the SP3, he continued, was repeated by Judge Talapatty in rejecting the pretrial motion without considering the documentary evidence and witnesses that were presented by the plaintiff.
Under the criminal law process, the party authorised to conduct investigations and criminal investigations, to find evidence in a crime is the police, who are given a mandate under the Police Law and the Criminal Procedural Code (KUHAP), not the victim or person who reports a crime, the victim’s family or third parties such as non-government organisations (NGOs).
“It’s very strange if the burden of proof is placed on the victim or reporter [of the crime]”, said Kawer.
According to Kawer, the pretrial ruling will clearly set a bad precedent for solving cases of terror against journalists, never mind with a Molotov bomb attack which had a serious impact on the victim and the general public.
The attack was carried out in the city of Jayapura, an area which in terms of uncovering the case should be very easy to do if the police work “supernaturally”.
“This case is certainly a mystery for senior journalists Victor Mambor who is the victim and the general public, how are these cases going to be uncovered if the police and judges treat it as ‘trivial’? The general public and press people, of course need police and judges ‘who work supernaturally’ so that in the future terror bombs like this can be uncovered”, he said.
[Translated by James Balowski. Abridged slightly due to repetition. The original title of the article was “Praperadilan SP3 Ditolak, PAHAM Papua: Ini Perkara Serius”.]
Jayapura, Papua (ANTARA) – The Government of Papua Province asked seven districts in the province to immediately implement the open defecation free program to reach the target of 100 percent elimination by the end of 2024.
“The seven districts are Jayapura, Keerom, Sarmi, Waropen, Yapen Islands, Mamberamo Raya, and Supiori,” Papua Governor’s Expert Staff for Community and Human Development Daniel R Senis said here on Sunday.
According to him, the only regions in Papua that have reached 100 percent elimination of open defecation are Biak Numfor District and Jayapura City.
“Open defecation cannot be taken lightly because it is a serious problem that has a detrimental impact on the environment, and has the potential to transmit disease germs such as diarrhea, typhoid, dysentery, and cholera,” he said.
He explained that children who frequently have those diseases will have their growth and development disrupted and ultimately this can result in stunting and even death.
“For that reason, we are encouraging the seven districts to immediately reach the target of 100 percent open defecation elimination in villages because this is in line with the mandate of sustainable development goals,” Senis said.
Meanwhile, UNICEF Indonesia’s Chief Field Office of Papua Aminuddin Ramdan stated that his office will continue to support the government in promoting the importance of good sanitation in villages to handle stunting.
Stunting reduction is a priority program of the Indonesian government, which is seeking to bring down stunting prevalence to 14 percent this year.
“Sanitation also has many relations with other diseases such as polio, whose transmission occurs through feces,” he said.
He noted that based on data, there are 500 villages in Papua that are not yet free from open defecation.
The recent slogan “All Eyes on Papua” emerged in response to the viral “All Eyes on Rafah” campaign on Instagram. Indigenous communities and the youth in Papua hope that this movement will foster real solidarity with Papuan issues. The first post, shared more than three million times, called for support for the Awyu people in Boven Digoel, who are battling deforestation caused by the palm oil company PT Indo Asiana Lestari.
The fight for customary land
The Awyu tribe is striving to protect 36,094 hectares of customary land from palm oil expansion. The campaign, initially focused on agrarian conflicts, has now broadened to address issues such as education, health, hunger, and armed conflicts in Papua. These issues have led to numerous deaths and displacements over the decades.Hendrikus Franky Woro, a representative of the Awyu Tribe, has become a central figure in this movement, despite not using social media. He recently expressed gratitude for the support from netizens and emphasized the tribe’s reliance on the Supreme Court to fairly resolve their lawsuit against PT Indo Asiana Lestari.
Broader socio-political issues
The campaign gained traction after the Awyu representatives held a protest in front of the Supreme Court office in Jakarta on 27 May 2024. They performed traditional dances and chants, displaying posters with messages like “Save Papua’s Customary Forests” and “Papua is Not Empty Land.”The “All Eyes on Papua” slogan went viral shortly after this protest. The campaign was bolstered by public figures, including Indonesian national footballer Sandy Walsh, and it drew significant attention to the extensive deforestation in Papua, documented by Yayasan Pusaka Bentala Rakyat. This deforestation, notably in Boven Digoel, threatens the livelihoods and heritage of indigenous communities.The movement has highlighted not only environmental but also socio-political issues in Papua. Campaigners, such as Greenpeace’s Sekar Banjaran Aji, stress the importance of public support in pressuring the Supreme Court to protect the forests. The campaign also seeks to raise awareness about the broader challenges faced by indigenous Papuans, including economic, health, and human rights issues.
Government response and criticism
The Indonesian government has responded with mixed signals. Presidential special staff Billy Mambrasar claimed to have recommended a review of the company permits to President Joko Widodo. However, this claim was questioned by researchers and activists who pointed out the government’s historical neglect of indigenous rights and environmental concerns.The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) criticised the Indonesian government for ignoring long-standing conflicts and human rights abuses in Papua while condemning international conflicts like those in Palestine. They argue that the Indonesian government’s approach has resulted in slow-motion genocide, ethnocide, and ecocide in Papua.
The legal battle continues
The legal battle for the Awyu and Moi tribes continues, with hopes pinned on the Supreme Court’s upcoming decision. Despite setbacks in lower courts, the tribes remain determined to defend their customary lands. Their struggle represents not only a fight for environmental justice but also a broader call for recognition and protection of indigenous rights in Indonesia.The “All Eyes on Papua” campaign serves as a powerful reminder of the ongoing struggles in Papua and the urgent need for solidarity and action to protect the region’s people and environment. The movement urges the public to educate themselves about Papuan issues and support the indigenous communities’ efforts to secure their rights and heritage.
ASIATODAY.ID, JAKARTA – The social media scene in Indonesia in the last few days has been filled with uploads of posters reading “All Eyes on Papua”. This poster has been widely uploaded by residents as a form of support for the Papuan indigenous people, especially the Awyu and Moi tribes who are struggling to defend their customary forests.
This is because the customary forest, which has been a source of livelihood for the Awyu tribe in Boven Digoel, South Papua, and the Moi tribe in Sorong, West Papua, is at risk of being lost due to the expansion of the palm oil industry which is clearing land in Bumi Cenderawasih.
The “All Eyes on Papua” campaign has increasingly come into the public spotlight and gained momentum after environmental fighters from the Awyu and Moi tribes staged a protest at the Supreme Court, Jakarta, on Monday, May 27 2024.
Based on official information from the Coalition to Save Papua Customary Forests published on the official Greenpeace Indonesia website, the Awyu tribe and Moi tribe communities are both involved in legal action against the local government and palm oil companies to defend their customary forests. Both lawsuits have now reached the cassation stage at the Supreme Court.
An environmental fighter from the Awyu tribe, Hendrikus Woro, sued the Papua Provincial Government for issuing an environmental feasibility permit for PT IAL.
PT IAL has an environmental permit covering an area of 36,094 hectares, or more than half the area of Jakarta City, and is located in the traditional forest of the Woro clan – part of the Awyu tribe.
However, Hendrikus’ lawsuit failed in the first and second instance courts. Now, the cassation at the Supreme Court is his remaining hope to defend the customary forest which has been his ancestral heritage and support the Woro clan for generations.
Apart from the PT IAL case’s cassation, a number of Awyu indigenous communities are also filing an cassation against the lawsuit of PT Kartika Cipta Pratama and PT Megakarya Jaya Raya, two palm oil companies which have also expanded and will expand in Boven Digoel. PT KCP and PT MJR, which previously lost at the Jakarta PTUN, filed an appeal and were won by a judge at the Jakarta State Administrative High Court (PTUN).
“We have been tormented for quite a long time by the existence of palm oil plans in our traditional territory. We want to raise our children through natural products. Palm oil will destroy our forests, we reject it,” said Rikarda Maa, an Awyu traditional woman.
The Moi Sigin sub-tribe is fighting against PT SAS which will clear 18,160 hectares of Moi Sigin customary forest for oil palm plantations. PT SAS previously held a concession of 40 thousand hectares in Sorong Regency.
In 2022, the central government will revoke PT SAS’s forest area release permit, followed by the revocation of business permits. Not accepting this decision, PT SAS sued the government at the Jakarta PTUN.
Representatives of the Moi Sigin indigenous community also fought back by submitting themselves as intervention defendants at the Jakarta PTUN in December 2023. After the judge rejected the lawsuit in early January, the Moi Sigin indigenous community filed an appeal to the Supreme Court on May 3 2024.
“I urge the Supreme Court to provide legal justice for us indigenous peoples. The customary forest is where we hunt and gather sago. The forest is a pharmacy for us. Our needs are all in the forest. If our traditional forests disappear, where else will we go?” said Fiktor Klafiu, a representative of the Moi Sigin indigenous community who was the defendant in the intervention.
According to the Coalition to Save Papuan Traditional Forests, the existence of oil palm plantations is said to destroy forests which are a source of livelihood, food, water, medicine, culture and knowledge for the Awyu and Moi indigenous communities. This forest is also a habitat for endemic Papuan flora and fauna, as well as storing large carbon reserves.
It is feared that palm oil plantation operations will trigger deforestation which will release 25 million tonnes of CO2e into the atmosphere, exacerbating the impact of the climate crisis in the country.
“The panel of judges needs to prioritize aspects of environmental and climate justice, the impacts of which will not only be felt by the Awyu and Moi tribes but also other Indonesian people,” said Tigor Hutapea, a member of the legal team for the Awyu and Moi tribes from Pusaka Bentala Rakyat.
Greenpeace Indonesia Forest Campaigner, Sekar Banjaran Aji, said that the struggle of the Awyu and Moi tribes was an honorable effort for the sake of customary forests, for the lives of their children and grandchildren today and in the future, and indirectly all of us.
“We invite the public to support the struggle of the Awyu and Moi tribes and speak out about saving Papua’s forests which are our stronghold in facing the climate crisis.” (AT Network)
AWPA condemns the latest Indonesian security force operation in in the Bibida District, Paniai Regency which has resulted in more than 5,000 people from 15 villages in Bibida and Paniai fleeing their villages.
Joe Collins of AWPA said, “this number is added to the already large number of IDPs in the highlands who have fled their villages in the past few years because of the ongoing conflict ” .
According to a HRM report only elderly people who could no longer walk and sick people remained in the villages.
A number of villagers fled in fear to the Madi Holy Cross Parish Church because the security forces were pursuing a TPNPB OPM group after a taxi driver was killed by the TPNPB according to the military on the Enarotali-Bibida road, in Kopo village.
HRM report from information received from local sources, that the “security forces entered the Bibida District with ten trucks around 8.00 am and began searching houses. The operation was accompanied by four helicopters circulating over Bibida. One of them reportedly released multiple shootings during the raid causing thousands of people from the villages Bibida, Dama-Dama, Kolaitaka, Kugaisiga, Odiyai, Tuwakotu, and Ugidimi to flee their homes. In the Paniai Timur Districts, people from the villages Amougi, Timida, Kopo, Wouye Butu, Uwibutu, Madi, Ipakiye, and Pugotadi (see table below). https://humanrightsmonitor.org/news/security-force-operation-in-districts-bibida-and-paniai-timur-more-than-5000-indigenous-moni-and-me-people-flee-their-homes/
Joe Collins said, “it’s a pity that the only mainstream media reports on the Indonesian security force operations are those in the Indonesian media with the usual statements from military spokespersons such as
“The TNI personnel continue to restore security, law and order in Bibida following their success in reclaiming the sub-district area from the Undius Kogoya-led insurgents on Friday, June 14”,
“The success of TNI soldiers in shooting two OPM people has reduced the strength of the OPM, which, of course, has a positive impact on maintaining security and stability for the smooth process of accelerating development in Papua,” Lt. Gen. Richard Tampubolon remarked.
Collins said “statements so similar to military statements in other conflicts that there must be a conflict 101 lesson for military spokespersons”.
Local organisations such as the Catholic Youth have asked for the important role of the Paniai district government to quickly resolve the situation in Bibida so that a peaceful atmosphere can be restored, so that residents can return to their hometowns.
Hopefully, the Australian Government will also urge the Indonesian Government to stop using a military approach to every incident in Papua as all it does is increase the loss of life and create even more internal refugees”.
A security force raid in the Bibida District, Paniai Regency, has caused the internal displacement of an estimated more than 5,000 persons from 15 villages in Bibida and Paniai Timur District on 14 June 2024. Only elderly people who could no longer walk and sick people reportedly stayed. Churches have seized operations in the affected villages. Simultaneously, joint police and military forces established checkpoints and controlled passing vehicles in Enarolati town and Madi Village on 12 June 2024.
The districts Bibida and Paniai Timur are inhabited by the indigenous Moni and Me tribes. People fled their houses in fear of the security force operations and armed violence between the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) and Indonesian security forces. The operation was launched after TPNPB members shot dead a civilian Non-Papuan in the Kopo Village, Paniai Timur District, on 11 June 2024.
According to information from local sources, security forces entered the Bibida District with ten trucks around 8.00 am and began searching houses. The operation was accompanied by four helicopters circulating over Bibida. One of them reportedly released multiple shootings during the raid causing thousands of people from the villages Bibida, Dama-Dama, Kolaitaka, Kugaisiga, Odiyai, Tuwakotu, and Ugidimi to flee their homes. In the Paniai Timur Districts, people from the villages Amougi, Timida, Kopo, Wouye Butu, Uwibutu, Madi, Ipakiye, and Pugotadi (see table below)……….
On Friday June 7, 2024, several hundred people demonstrated in front of the French Embassy in Vanuatu regarding the situation in New Caledonia. France understands and respects the legitimate concerns of the people of Vanuatu regarding the situation in New Caledonia. In this article, I would like to respond to the demands expressed in the petition that the president of the Malvatumauri, who led the march, submitted to us on June 7.
Firstly, decolonisation cannot be reduced to independence. As the relevant resolutions of the United Nations Organisation (UN) (res. 1541 and 2625) remind us, decolonisation is first and foremost self-determination: it means letting the people choose what they prefer, and this can be the creation of an independent state, integration with an independent state, free association or any other formula chosen by the people. They alone must decide what they wish to do with their future.
And this is precisely what the French State has been accompanying in New Caledonia for the past 36 years: securing a process of self-determination, the organisation and the conduct of which have been commended by the United Nations Decolonisation Committee called C24, and two auditing reports.
In 1998, the Nouméa Accord – negotiated between pro and anti-independence parties – provided for a high degree of autonomy for New Caledonia, with gradual and irreversible transfers of powers to establish shared sovereignty. The Accord was adopted by popular consultation in New Caledonia with 72 % of positive votes. As provided for by the Accord, the State organised up to three self-determination referendums, if the previous ones had not resulted in a pro-independence vote.
The process provided voters with repeated occasions to cast their ballots, and political stakeholders to act (the local Congress was the one responsible to call for the organisation of the 2nd and 3rd referendums). Repeatedly, a majority of New Caledonians on a special electoral roll opposed independence: 56.67% of voters in 2018 (with a 81.01% turnout), 53.26% in 2020 (with a 85.69% turnout), and 96.50% in 2021 (with a 43.87% turnout). Votes were organised in the presence of the United Nations.
In accordance with democratic principles and the constant will of the people, who have been consulted three times since 2018, and who have therefore been able to exercise their right to self-determination, New Caledonia remains part of France.
Today, as a result of the decolonisation process engaged in 1988, New-Caledonia enjoys a high degree of autonomy, with the local Government and the provinces having all powers except those of a sovereign nature (defense, security, currency, for instance) and those they have not asked to be transferred (rules governing the administration of local authorities, higher education and research, audiovisual communication).
Secondly, what can one say to those who claim that the process described above is invalid because the last referendum was partially boycotted? Boycotting the referendum was the choice of the independentist parties, but it does not invalidate the referendum.
The legitimacy of this vote has not been called into question by the UN and the independentist parties participated to the general elections organised right after.
Thirdly, what can one say to those who believe that the process described above is invalid because only the Kanaks should have taken part, as the only legitimate people? That the 1998 Nouméa Accord – which was signed by all stakeholders, including the pro-independence parties – establishes the existence of a dual legitimacy: not only that of the Kanak people as the first occupants, whose identity and cultural heritage have been recognised and promoted, but also that of other communities “who live in the territory [and] have acquired, through their participation in the building of New Caledonia, a legitimacy to live there and to continue to contribute to its development. They are essential to its social equilibrium and to the functioning of its economy and social institutions”. This is an important point: it means that, together with the Kanaks (41.2% of the population according to the 2019 census), not only Europeans (24%), but also Wallisians and Futunans (8.3%) and many other communities (Tahitians, Indonesians, Ni-Vanuatu, Vietnamese, Chinese, etc. accounting together for 8%) have made Caledonia what it is today.The Nouméa Accord also presents decolonisation as an objective consisting in founding “a new sovereignty, shared in a common destiny”. Common, that is, for all the above-mentioned populations, together.
And that’s only fair, because a New-Caledonian, who has always lived and worked there and contributed to New Caledonia’s development, is fully part of this community, no matter the origins of his or her ancestors.
Fourthly, with regard to discrimination, there are indeed discrepancies, particularly in terms of standard of living, access to employment and education. This is a statistically documented fact, and the State has long been taking steps to correct it, notably through the redistribution of tax revenues between provinces; executive training (for which the state has provided 90% of the 6 million euros in annual funding since 1998); a mining and metallurgy policy (contrary to popular belief, the French state has no jurisdiction over the extraction, processing or export of nickel; these powers have all been transferred to local authorities; but it is the State that is absorbing the losses of the New Caledonian mining industry: since 2016, it has paid out more than 700 million euros in aid to the nickel industry); financial aid for business start-ups; a land policy that has considerably increased the surface area of Kanak land; and the defense and promotion of Kanak culture, as demonstrated by the use of local Kanak languages in the education system or the creation of the Tjibaou Cultural Center, which today remains the territory’s leading cultural institution.
These measures have produced results – the GDP/capita gap has narrowed and a Kanak middle and higher classes have developed – but unbalances remain, as President Macron acknowledged on May 24: “rebalancing has not reduced economic and social inequalities, they have even increased”. While major progress was achieved when it comes to economic and social progress or access to public service, we need to do better. One must note, however, that this public policy issue is not unique to New Caledonia.
In any case, fires, looting, blockades and violence will not solve the problem. On the contrary, by reducing several decades of economic development to ashes, they have undermined the social and economic rebalancing efforts made in favor of the Kanak populations, and destroyed thousands of jobs.
Fifthly, the petition calls for “the immediate cessation of military operations” and “the withdrawal of troops”. I must state clearly that there are no military operations in New Caledonia: there are law enforcement operations by internal security forces (police and gendarmerie), to protect the population and public infrastructure, strictly respecting the principle of proportionate use of force. The rioters are armed and have robbed several gun shops. Their roadblocks paralysed certain neighborhoods and cut off access to the international airport.
Some inhabitants were short of food and medicines and no longer had access to medical care. More than nine hundred businesses have been destroyed or vandalised, thousands of jobs have been lost and the damages are estimated at over a billion euros. Law offenders are being dealt with by independent courts following due legal process, therefore there is no reason to call for “international independent investigations”. Had the State – whose primary responsibility is to protect the population – not rapidly deployed reinforcements, there would have been many more victims, and the socio-economic damage would have been even greater with more lasting effects.
In conclusion, we must be careful not to ethnicise the events in New Caledonia. Many articles, commentaries and fake news portraying the riots as one community against another just simplify and distort reality. Since 1988 and the first Matignon-Oudinot agreements, followed by the Nouméa agreement in 1998, a continuous dialogue has been carried out leading to the setup of new institutions, the transfer of meaningful power to local governing bodies, the acknowledgement of the Kanak identity and promotion of Kanak culture, and to policies dedicated to the social and economic rebalancing.
Our priority is now to resume dialogue as the political path remains to be invented to continue building this “common destiny” in a more inclusive and peaceful way. France will continue to work in the coming months with regional partners including Vanuatu, the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and the Pacific Islands Forum, in order to achieve this dialogue essential to the future of New Caledonia.
Australia West Papua Association Adelaide 