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Prabowo expands military’s role in test of fragile democracy 

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President Prabowo Subianto taps armed forces for major projects

Ananda Teresia (Reuters) Jakarta Wed, January 29, 2025 

Nearly three decades after the fall of Indonesia’s authoritarian leader Soeharto, the nation’s new president is causing unease among liberals and others by increasingly turning to the once-all-powerful military to carry out his governing vision. 

Critics of President Prabowo Subianto point to the former defense minister’s early actions as a worrying sign of his tendency to replace civilian functions with the military, raising comparisons to a Soeharto-era doctrine called “dwifungsi” (dual function) that allowed the armed forces to crush dissent and dominate public life. 

Just three months into office after sweeping to a landslide election victory last year, Prabowo has quickly expanded the armed forces’ roles in several public areas—including running much of his flagship project to serve free school meals. His allies in parliament are also preparing legislation that would allow Prabowo to appoint active military officers into senior government positions, dismantling some of the safeguards put in place after Soeharto was overthrown in 1998 following an economic crisis and popular uprising. Prabowo’s resounding victory in last year’s election was largely driven by younger voters, polls showed, a generation with little or no memory of Soeharto’s military-backed New Order regime.

Soeharto, who was Prabowo’s former father-in-law, had been a middle-ranking military officer when he took over from Sukarno, the country’s first president and founding father, in 1966.

Soeharto rose to power amid a bloody communist purge that had brought down the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), then Sukarno’s strongest ally, and killed hundreds of thousands of people accused to be communists. Prabowo, a son of renowned economist Soemitro Djojohadikusumo, was a special forces commander under his repressive 32-year reign and was later dismissed from the military amid unproven allegations of human rights abuses. Supporters of Prabowo, who has denied past rights abuses, say tapping the military for important projects offers efficiencies.

But critics see in Prabowo’s moves, including a recent expansion of military command structure, a worrying lurch towards re-militarization in the world’s largest Muslim-majority country. “He’s not abiding by civil supremacy,” said analyst Yanuar Nugroho of Prabowo. “He instead wants to restore the glory of military … where various kinds of civic-works can be done by the military, arguing it will be faster, more effective,” said Yanuar, a former deputy chief of presidential staff to Prabowo’s predecessor, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Read also: Critics slam new proposal to allow soldiers to conduct business Prabowo’s office did not respond to repeated requests for comment on military deployment for government projects.

Although not replicating the “dual function” of the past, Prabowo’s early reliance on the military is raising concerns among Indonesian observers about the undoing of democratic reforms that sprang up after Soeharto was ousted. “There’s a lot of aspects of the Prabowo administration that are seeking to replicate what existed under his former father-in-law Soeharto,” said political analyst and author of the Indonesia-focused newsletter Reformasi Weekly, Kevin O’Rourke. “Restoring military roles in politics is one aspect.” Under Soeharto, there were no checks and balances and the military was also involved in business, O’Rourke said, adding that the same pattern now could erode democratic oversight of government institutions, affecting policymaking.

 Combat-trained cooks and farmers Prabowo, who had a 81 percent approval rating after his first 100 days in office, has wasted little time in handing over large projects to the armed forces since taking office. The most visible example has been his US$28 billion signature project to provide free school meals. Air Force Colonel Satrya Dharma Wijaya is a case in point. His usual job is aircraft maintenance, but since November, he has been busy ordering stoves, refrigerators and frying pans to cook meals for thousands of children at a time at a base in Jakarta. “This was previously a marshalling area where we prepared troops to deploy for an assignment,” said Satrya, wearing his short-sleeved blue uniform at Halim Perdanakusuma air base’s newly expanded kitchen.

The military was running 100 of the 190 kitchens operating by the project’s launch in collaboration with the newly formed National Nutrition Agency, cooking up and delivering food for 570,000 children on its opening day. Army chief General Maruli Simanjuntak said that a plan is under way for the military to form 100 special “territorial development” units assigned to farming, fisheries and animal husbandry. Prabowo has also moved swiftly to vastly expand other military-run projects established when he was defense minister. A program for soldiers to clear land for cultivation has been increased by 50-fold with the aim of boosting Indonesia’s food security from an initial 60,000 hectares to a projected 3 million hectares—an area about the size of Belgium. 

Read also: Retreat for new regional heads raises recentralization concerns 

He has also ordered the expansion of another of his projects, directing the Air Force to convert its idle land into rice and corn fields to be managed by soldiers and villagers to supply food for the free-meals project. In addition, he has declared a nationwide extension of a third small military civil-works initiative—laying water pipes for plumbing and irrigation in remote, poor areas. Army chief Simanjuntak said that turning to soldiers to help run large programs is effective, as the army follows a strong chain of command, adding that rules are in place to prevent military repression. “It’s impossible to return to the New Order (Suharto) era. There’s no way,” Simanjuntak said.

 Soldiers leading ministries? One key area of concern for critics is around upcoming legislation that would allow Prabowo to appoint active duty military officers to top government jobs for first time in decades. The legislation, prepared by Prabowo’s allies, will soon go before parliament where the president’s coalition controls 74 percent of seats. The bill will be deliberated in coming months, several lawmakers told Reuters.

 The president has already tapped former military officers for top roles—such as Foreign Minister Sugiono, who served in the army’s special forces before retiring. Sufmi Dasco Ahmad, deputy speaker of parliament from Prabowo’s Gerindra party, said the president should be free to appoint active officers anywhere in government. “These strategic programmes must be run by people who are disciplined, highly committed and have been trained to be responsible and disciplined,” Sufmi said. ‘Democratic backsliding’ But even some former military men have concerns about Prabowo’s instinct to turn to the armed forces. “Don’t give a blank check where soldiers could be placed at any posts. It will ruin the system,” retired Lt. Gen. Agus Widjojo, one of several generals who led post-Soeharto military reforms, told Reuters. Widjojo said the tendency would have policy implications by weakening civilian institutions. Analyst Yanuar said he fears the trend of militarization under Prabowo will lead to a “democratic backsliding” and centralization of power.

 “A strong president who is backed by a strong military with almost full control in the parliament,” Yanuar said. “This is similar to Soeharto: military with dual function.” ————————————————

Amnesty UNIPA Chapter highlights conditions and handling of refugees in Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang

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January 22, 2025 11:57 am Author: Larius Kogoya

Editor: Zely Ariane

Jayapura, Jubi – Amnesty International Indonesia Chapter Universitas Papua or Amnesty UNIPA urges the Pegunungan Bintang Regency Government, Papua Pegunungan Province, and the TNI Leadership to guarantee the rights of civilian refugees who are threatened in Oksop District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency.

Amnesty UNIPA Coordinator, Paskalis Haluk, expressed his concern over the threats to the rights of civilians who fled from Oksop District to Oksibil and its surroundings to protect themselves from military operations. He asked the government to immediately take concrete steps to ensure protection for residents who were forced to flee due to the sweeping of villages and residents’ homes.

According to Haluk, who saw firsthand the refugee camp in Mumbakon Village, Oksibil District, at the end of December 2024, the TNI’s actions have threatened the rights of the people in Oksop District since November until today.

“Kopassus is still occupying residents’ houses and churches, while other residents are still in the forest. Some residents have entered safe villages. I myself went down to see the field directly on December 29, 2024 to bring donations to the refugee community in Mumbakon Village, Oksibil District,” said Paskalis Haluk to Jubi in Jayapura City, Papua on Tuesday (1/21/2025).

The Amnesty UNIPA Coordinator emphasized that the situation faced by the Oksop community is a serious violation of human rights, as regulated in the 1945 Constitution and various national and international legal instruments. Article 28G paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution expressly guarantees the right of every person to a sense of security and protection from the threat of fear.

In addition, Indonesia is also bound by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the 1949 Geneva Convention, which regulates the protection of refugees and civilians in situations of armed conflict, he said.

“The people in Oksop District are threatened with losing access to basic needs such as shelter, food, and health services. This is unacceptable because these rights are part of human rights that must be protected by the state,” said Haluk.

Paskalis Haluk explained the importance of respecting the basic principles of Human Rights in Military Operations (Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials), which were ratified by the UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Criminals. This principle emphasizes that the use of force by officers must be carried out proportionally, non-discriminatory, and respect human dignity.

He asked the Pegunungan Bintang Regency Government and the Papua Pegunungan Provincial Government to ensure that the refugee community receives full protection, including access to basic needs, health services, and children’s education. He also asked the TNI to prioritize dialogue and a humanist approach in resolving the conflict in the Papua region.

“All forms of human rights violations committed by members of the security forces must be investigated independently, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. We ask the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) to continue to monitor the situation on the ground. And respect for human rights is the main foundation in maintaining the integrity of the nation. We cannot build peace on human rights violations. The state has an obligation to ensure justice and security for all its citizens, including the people in Oksop,” he said.

The Director of Justice, Peace, and Integrity of Creation Ordo Fratrum Minorum (JPIC OFM) Papua, RP Alexandro Rangga OFM said, based on findings in the field at the end of November 2024, residents of five villages in Oksop District reported increased military activity in their area.

“Fear of armed conflict has encouraged people to flee to a safer place, namely Oksibil District,” said Rangga as quoted from a press release to Jubi in Jayapura, Papua, Friday (17/1/2025).

Until now, he continued, it is estimated that around 327 people have fled, with most of the others choosing to hide in the forest. There is detailed data on the number of refugees, including by gender, age, and village of origin.

“However, for the safety of the refugees, we cannot share this data with the public. Based on the testimony of the refugees, the presence of the military in Oksop District has caused fear and insecurity among the community,” he said.

“Some actions taken by the military, such as setting up posts inside churches and using public facilities without permission, have made the situation worse,” he said. (*)

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West Papua atrocities condemned, PM urged to speak-up

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Solomon Islands LEADER of Opposition Matthew has strongly condemned the latest murders in West Papua by the Indonesian military.

Hon Wale’s call comes amidst recent media reports of Indonesian military unit that are roaming Intan Jaya Regency, slaughtering West Papuans at will.

The recent killings have also included minors.

“Solomon Islands as a Melanesian country must continue to stand against the ongoing atrocities in West Papua. We are Melanesians,” Hon Wale said.

In a statement today, Hon Wale said it is heartless to note that the Prime Minister and the GNUT government have opted to remain silent on these ongoing atrocities in West Papua.

The Opposition Leader also called on the rest of the MSG to condemn these recent murders and to demand withdrawal of military from the highlands; and to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua.

“I am calling on the Prime Minister and the rest of MSG to call on the Indonesian government to allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit West Papua. In fact this is inline with the resolution made by the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) last year,” he said.

Hon Wale said it is time the MSG Leaders rethink their stand on West Papua.

“Diplomacy and geopolitics should never cloud our solidarity with our Melanesian people of West Papua,” Hon Wale said.

The Opposition Leader emphasized the ongoing human rights crisis in West Papua as a pressing regional issue that still remains unresolved.

He said the Prime Minister has visited Jakarta last year but sadly there was no discussion with Indonesia about the systemic repression of West Papuan lives and voices.

Hon Wale said the lack of dialogue on ongoing human rights violations with Indonesia would suggest that GNUT’s priorities are negotiable, or even expendable, for financial gain.

– Opposition Press

Categories: News, News – National By Moffat Mamu January 22, 2025

Police hunt for shooter in double killing in Papua Highlands 

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  News Desk (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Mon, January 13, 2025 

A former police officer is believed to be the perpetrator, acting on orders from a rogue faction of Papuan separatists.

Police are intensifying security patrols in Yalimo regency, Papua Highlands, following the shooting of two civilians last week, as they seek to stabilize the situation and capture the shooter. “We are […] on the hunt for Aske Mabel, who is suspected to be the shooter,” said Brig. Gen. Faizal Ramadhani, the chief of the police’s Operation Cartenz Peace, in a written statement on Sunday, as reported by tempo.co. 

“The patrol at the borders of Yalimo regency is also being tightened by checking vehicles entering and exiting [the regency] to prevent other potential threats.” The patrols are focusing on the regency’s Hobkama village in Elelim district, where the shooting took place. The two victims, a 36-year-old and a 33-year-old, were woodworkers from East Luwu, South Sulawesi. They were attacked while cutting logs in the village on Jan. 8.

Witnesses said that in addition to being shot, the two victims had also been slashed by sharp weapons. They died of their wounds. Suspect Aske Mabel is a former police officer, ranked second brigadier, who defected from the police and joined a faction of the West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Movement (TPNPB-OPM) led by Jeffrey Pagawak Boamanak. However, TPNPB-OPM spokesman Sebby Sambom claimed Aske was not part of the OPM. The movement does not consider Jeffrey a member, after he allegedly embezzled Rp 1.9 billion (US$116,643), claiming that the money would be used to purchase weapons. The weapons, the OPM says, never materialized.

Sebby said Jeffrey and Aske had murdered several people in Papua claiming it was for the movement. The latest murder was the sixth incident. “It was the sixth incident in the Yalimo regency area, all were carried out by Aske Mabel on orders from Jeffrey,” Sebby said.

Facing palm oil nonsense

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There are still many sustainable ways in store to enhance palm oil output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than opening new plantations by clearing forests. 

editorial board (The Jakarta Post) Jakarta Wed, January 15, 2025

P resident Prabowo Subianto might not have thought his remarks would spark a controversy when he recently suggested that Indonesia expand oil palm plantations without worrying about deforestation. 

His statement sent the wrong signal about his administration’s stance on the sustainability of the commodity. Worse, his words undermine years of progress in curbing deforestation from the palm oil industry, which is partly thanks to moratoriums on the issuance of new permits and licenses for oil palm plantations decades ago. 

The statement could be dangerous if industries interpret it as the time to ditch sustainable practices or if foreign buyers lose faith in Indonesian palm oil products and switch to other substitutes or other producing countries with better sustainability standards. It is easy to take pride in palm oil, with the commodity and its products Indonesia’s top exports and now perhaps poised to play a pivotal role in the President’s energy security dream through the biodiesel programs. Despite the ambition, efforts to boost palm oil production should not sacrifice the environment. 

There are still many sustainable ways to enhance output, especially through long-neglected replanting efforts rather than by clearing forests to open new plantations.

The government through the Oil Palm Plantation Fund Management Agency (BPDPKS) channeled over Rp 179 trillion (US$10.36 billion) in subsidies to the biodiesel program from 2015 to 2023, according to research by Auriga Nusantara.


Meanwhile, the agency only disbursed Rp 8.5 trillion for replanting efforts within the same period, according to BPDPKS data from November 2023. Others measures to boost production can also include better seeds and fertilizers, which universities and research institutions in Indonesia have knowledge about and can produce. 

Losing forests will not only deprive Indonesia of its invaluable biodiversity but will also make it harder for the country to meet its net-zero emissions targets, especially after the Prabowo administration plans to accelerate the process to achieve the goal by 2050.

And oil palms, although they do have leaves, are not the same as complex forest ecosystems. Experts have suggested that oil palm plantations can not only reduce the ability to capture carbon but also suck up nutrients that will make it difficult to restore natural forests. 

During the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in November last year, Prabowo may have thought the country could be self-sufficient in green energy by relying on its natural resources, including forms of bioenergy like palm-oil based biodiesel. However, Prabowo must also remember if the source of the biodiesel leads to deforestation, then there is nothing green in the biodiesel just as there is nothing green about electric vehicles if the power is still sourced from coal-fired power plants. Furthermore, President Prabowo will need to evaluate millions of hectares of oil palm plantations in the country, following findings last year that over 3.3 million of them were illegal. 

The Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) has pointed out a lack of compliance that led to Rp 300 trillion in potential lost revenue. A blind expansion drive would only lead to more illegal plantations and more revenue losses for the government, especially if it continues neglecting its homework of improving compliance in the palm oil industry. Plans to boost palm oil production should come with adequate measures to maintain adequate farmgate prices and an increase in supply should not mean that smallholders earn less. 

The government also needs to step up efforts to assert the country’s control over palm oil prices, which are currently still tied to Malaysia’s commodity exchange and will likely remain that way in the years to come even though Indonesia has already established its own exchange for the commodity. It would be ironic if Indonesia, with all its palm oil glory, must settle for following standards that others have set despite the country’s pride as the world’s leading palm oil producer.
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Military members allegedly kill two Papuans in Pegunungan Bintang – Military officials claim victims were TPNPB members

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Cases / Indonesia, West Papua / 16 January 2025 

On 28 November 2024, a tragic incident unfolded in Parim Village, Serambakon District, Pegunungan Bintang Regency, when Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) personnel killed Mr Methodius Uropmabin, 28, and Mr Nerius Oktemka,25. The TNI claimed the victims were on a wanted list (DPO) for their alleged involvement with the TPN-PB KODAP 35 Bintang Timur, following an incident in 2020. However, the operation raised serious concerns about due process and the use of lethal force, as the victims were reportedly abducted from their homes, detained, and killed under circumstances suggesting extrajudicial execution. The TNI justified their actions by citing reports from the local community about the victims’ alleged activities.

In the early hours of 28 November, at approximately 2:00 am, TNI forces entered Parim Village without prior consultation with the local community. They forcibly circled the house in which Mr Uropmabin and Mr Oktemka were sleeping. According to the information received, the military forces opened fire, with bullets piercing through the wooden walls. Mr Uropmabin died instantly, while Mr Oktemka survived the shooting. He was brought to the Kalomdol District Military Command. When the car passed the Seram District Office, Mr Oktemka reportedly attempted to flee and was fatally shot three times. Both bodies were later returned to their families by TNI personnel after local officials intervened. They were buried in Parim Village that same day.

This case highlights critical human rights violations, including the lack of judicial oversight, the use of excessive force, and the apparent absence of fair trial rights. The extra-judicial nature of the killings contravenes international human rights standards and Indonesia’s obligations under domestic and international law. The reliance on unverified community reports as grounds for lethal action further exacerbates the issue, raising questions about the accountability of the TNI and the systemic failure to ensure justice. This incident underscores the urgent need for independent investigations and structural reforms to prevent the recurrence of such violations.

WORLD REPORT 2025 Our Annual Review Of Human Rights Around The Globe

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Human Rights Watch

WORLD REPORT 2025 Our Annual Review Of Human Rights Around The Globe

Full Report

Click to access World%20Report%202025.pdf

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Country Report Indonesia Events of 2024

https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/indonesia

Prabowo Subianto Djojohadikusumo, a former Army general, won the presidential election in February 2024. Prabowo was implicated in grave rights violations while he was in military service that had led to his dismissal. His running mate, Gibran Raka, is the eldest son of outgoing President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo.

In August, street protests erupted in at least 16 cities in Indonesia, including the capital, Jakarta, after Jokowi’s ruling coalition attempted to tamper with the election law to allow candidates below age 30 to run for office in local elections. The protesters accused the government of nepotism because there was only one candidate under 30: Kaesang Pangareb, Jokowi’s youngest son. Earlier, Jokowi had helped Gibran Raka to become Prabowo’s running mate.

Civil and political rights declined in Indonesia in the past decade under the Jokowi administration. The government’s policies undermined free elections, weakened legislative checks on executive powers, and led to an increase in corruption, including in the management of natural resources. The armed forces interfered in civilian affairs.

Indonesia’s parliament passed a new criminal code in December 2022, containing provisions that seriously violate international human rights law and standards.

Indonesian authorities committed or condoned numerous human rights abuses involving discrimination on religious, ethnic, social, gender, and sexual orientation grounds.

West Papua

Military and police committed abuses with impunity in West Papua. Despite pledges by Jokowi, authorities restricted access to the media, international diplomats, and human rights monitors.

Authorities failed to address longstanding racial discrimination against Indigenous Papuans despite protests across 33 cities in 2019, after an attack on Papuan university students by security forces in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city. This includes denial of their rights to health, livelihood, and education.

While at least 245 people were convicted for participating in protests, including 109 for treason, they were given much shorter prison terms due to international and domestic pressure. Most had been released by 2024 because they had already served much of their term in pre-trial detention. Three fishermen from Manokwari, who were convicted of treason for unfurling the Morning Star and holding a protest prayer meeting in October 2022, were released in September.

After the Indonesian parliament enacted a controversial law in 2022, splitting the territory of two provinces—Papua and West Papua—into six new provinces, the authorities continued to encourage and subsidize thousands of non-Papuan settler families—pendatang in Indonesian—to relocate to West Papua, often driving out Indigenous Papuans and grabbing their land for mining and oil palm plantations.

A video posted in March on social media showed three Indonesian soldiers brutally beating Definus Kogoya, a young Papuan man, whose hands were tied behind him and who had been placed inside a drum filled with water, taunting him with racial slurs. While the army apologized and promised an investigation, there have been no prosecutions.

The fighting between pro-independence Papuan insurgents and the Indonesian security forces contributed to the deteriorating human rights situation in West Papua. The insurgents are implicated in the killings of migrants and foreign workers. They held a New Zealand pilot, Philip Mehrtens, hostage between February 2023 and September 2024, releasing him after 594 days on “humanitarian grounds.”

Freedom of Religion and Belief

Several laws such as the 1965 blasphemy law, blasphemy provisions in the 2022 criminal code, and the 2006 religious harmony regulation placed religious minorities at risk. While these rules seemed to be neutral on paper, they were enforced mostly “to protect Islam.”

The 2006 regulation continued to empower religious majorities to veto activities by minority religions including Christians, Shia Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, and Confucians or to stop them from constructing houses of worship. Smaller minorities, including Ahmadiyah, Bah’ai, and Indigenous faiths, continue to face even harsher treatment.

Indonesian authorities did too little to stop Islamic groups attacking or harassing religious minorities or to hold those responsible to account. For instance, in March, dozens of Muslim extremists attacked a religious service held by a Christian group in Tangerang, claiming it had “no permit” to conduct services.

In September, Pope Francis visited Jakarta as part of a 12-day tour of the Asia-Pacific region. He visited the Istiqlal grand mosque and met the grand imam, signing a declaration of interfaith friendship.

In a step forward for freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia, in January, citizens from smaller religious groups were permitted to change the religious identity on their identity cards, with the introduction of a new category, kepercayaan (belief), alongside the six recognized religions.

Women’s and Girls’ Rights

Local authorities continued to enforce 73 mandatory hijab regulations since they were first introduced in West Sumatra in 2001, with sanctions ranging from verbal warnings, expulsion from school or work, to jail terms of up to three months. Many girls and women who refused to comply with the rules, including non-Muslims, faced expulsion or pressure to withdraw from school. In several cases, female civil servants, including teachers and university lecturers, lost their jobs or had to resign for refusing to comply with the rules.

The new criminal code maintains criminalization of abortion with exceptions, and now criminalizes distributing information about contraceptives to children, and providing information about obtaining an abortion to anyone.

Restrictions on Civil Society and Media

In June, a journalist who had exposed an army officer for allegedly backing online gambling was killed in a deadly arson attack. Rico Sempurna Pasaribu, 47, of the Medan-based Tribata TV, and three members of his family were found dead inside their small wooden house in Kabanjahe. Media organizations said they feared a cover-up in the investigations.

In March, Indonesian authorities signed an agreement ending the requirement that defamation disputes with student media should be referred to the police or public prosecutors. Instead, the national Press Council will now mediate all defamation disputes involving student journalists and publications.

Disability Rights

People with real or perceived psychosocial disabilities continued to be shackled—chained or locked in confined spaces—due to stigma, as well as inadequate support and mental health services. The 2024 US State Department annual human rights report stated that the Indonesian government prioritized eliminating the practice of shackling. The number of people living in chains was approximately 4,300.

Full Report

PAPUA’S NOKEN BAG, THE KNOTTED LEGACY OF RESILIENCE AND IDENTITY

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BY  FIRDIA LISNAWATI AND EDNA TARIGAN

Updated 2:05 PM AEDT, January 17, 2025

JAYAPURA, Indonesia (AP) — The woman carries bananas, yams and vegetables in a knotted bag on her head as she wanders through a market in a suburban area of Jayapura in eastern Indonesia.

Even in the Papua capital and bigger cities of the province, a noken bag where people carry their daily essentials is a common sight.

The distinctive bag, handcrafted from natural fibers like tree bark or leaves, is woven and knotted with threads of Papuan heritage. The U.N. cultural agency UNESCO recognized the traditional bag as needing urgent safeguarding in 2012 because 

there are fewer crafters making noken and more competition from factory-made bags.

Crafter Mariana Pekei sells her handmade bags daily in Youtefa market in Jayapura, along with other women from her village.

“It is difficult to craft from the tree bark,” Pekei said.

They collect the raw materials from melinjo trees or orchids, facing dangers like mosquitoes in the forest. They then process the material into thread fibers, including by spinning the fibers together in their palms and on their thighs, which can cause wounds and scar their skin.

“If it’s made of yarn, we can craft, knot it directly with our hands,” Pekei said.

The price of noken depends on the material as well as the craftsmanship. A small bag can be made in a day, but the bigger ones require more creativity from the maker and more precision and patience.

Sometimes, the noken is colored by using natural dyes, mostly light brown or cream with some yellowish brown.

“Those are the color of Papuan people and the Papuan land,” Pekei said.

With its seemingly simple yet intricate winding technique and the symbolism it holds, the noken has become a valuable item passed down from generation to generation.

For people from outside Papua, noken are an always sought-after souvenir, which can be found easily at the market or the souvenir stores. Despite the high transportation costs, crafters often journey from their remote villages to Jayapura, determined to sell their noken and share their craft with the city.

But more than just a practical tool for carrying goods or souvenir, Pekei said that a noken serves as a powerful cultural symbol, representing the resilience, unity, and creativity of the Papuan people.

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Jakarta pips Dutton in nuclear race

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Peter Dutton’s hopes for Australia to be the first nation in the Southern Hemisphere to pioneer the use of small-to-medium nuclear reactors seem dashed.

Not because of ALP hostility, doomscrolling by economists, a twitchy electorate, forests of greenies and swags of sceptics – but because we could be overtaken by Indonesia hurtling down the fast lane.

(Below the Equator the 40-year-old Koeberg reactor in South Africa is not an SMR.)

While we argue on the minuses, Indonesia is adding the positives and deleting (or overlooking) the negatives.

Despite being geologically unstable and having no experience in the dicey business of juggling atoms for peace (the country’s research reactor is a sexagenarian), Indonesia is planning for at least 20 nuclear units.

Once opponents are trampled, a $1.63 billion prototype could be in place by 2028, boiling kettles and powering tools four years later.

Several locations have been proposed, frightening the locals.  The currently favoured hot spot eliminates community concerns, for the 221-hectare Kelasa Island on the east side of Sumatra is uninhabited.

Economic Affairs Minister, Airlangga Hartarto reportedly told investors in December that the “PLN  (the State-owned power-generation monopoly PT Perusahaan Listrik Negara) has already partnered with American and Japanese companies to develop small modular reactors with a capacity of less than 300 MW.”

In March 2023, Indonesia and the US Trade and Development Agency signed an agreement to develop modular reactor technology. PLN got a $1 million grant for feasibility studies.

Facts are scarce. This story has more quirks and qualifiers than a commentator’s election predictions. “Probably, potentially, expressions of interest, expected, estimated …”.  The list is long. The confusion is deep and deliberate.

There’s a little mutton on the menu.   PT ThorCon Power Indonesia has been named as the force behind the proposal “crafted in collaboration with key stakeholders.”

This show is hardly General Electric. One site says it has only three employees, another almost 20.

Its website reports that it’s a wholly foreign-owned company involved in Indonesia since 2018. It has “engaged closely with the Indonesian Government …and had consultations with BAPETEN.” Badan Pengawas Tenaga Nuklir is the Nuclear Energy Regulatory Agency.

What’s going on when foreign hustlers can be ushered into Jakarta’s top-floor boardrooms and given time to PowerPoint?

Here’s the clue, coming from the US-based non-profit agency the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis: It writes about Indonesia’s “nuclear power euphoria” then adds it’s “all smoke and mirrors with no current technical, financial or market viability”.

Such negativity from a credible source should smother the idea.  However, Generation WiFi is impatient. An opinion survey last decade alleged “a consistent year-on-year increase in support for nuclear” – as it would, having been generated by the World Nuclear Association.

Former President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo told the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change his nation would slash greenhouse gas emissions, promising carbon neutrality by 2050.

Difficult in a country with 132 million petrol-powered motorbikes and 37 coal-fired stations plus a further 15 starting up this year, (‘25) Lesser sources are oil, hydro, biomass, solar, wind and geothermal. Industrial and domestic power users have little choice – diesel gensets or PLN.

Australia isn’t the only lucky country for goodies to dig and sell. Three of Indonesia’s mega billionaires are King Coals. Chinese-owned nickel over-producers in Sulawesi have forced ten Australian mines to close.

The archipelago has an estimated 23 billion metric tonnes of low-calorie coal mostly in East Kalimantan.  Ironically this is where the new capital Nusantara is rising as an “eco-city” running on renewables.

China, India and the Philippines are the main buyers.   Last year (2024) exports topped expectations by more than eight per cent.

Selling more to reduce needs sounds like the Vietnam Battle of Bến Tre quote: “We had to destroy the town to save it.”

Domestic rooftop solar panels are rare in Indonesia. The technology has few enthusiasts and fewer installers. There are only two “utility-scale wind farms” in the country with a total of 50 turbines.

Said an IEEFA report: “Despite the steady erosion of nuclear power’s competitive potential, key Southeast Asian energy ministries continue to be lobbied by nuclear advocates.

“In growing power markets like Indonesia, decision-makers are facing a barrage of pro-nuclear media coverage as the nuclear industry floods the market with panels and webinars.

“Many of these offerings are sponsored by lobbyists for the international backers of new small modular reactor technologies, who are actively engaging with governments and utilities.”

That’s happening with  ThorCon Power Indonesia that spruiks:

“Given the limited potential for renewable energy in Indonesia’s base-load capacity, nuclear energy is seen as a viable solution to meet the country’s substantial low-carbon energy demand. ThorCon’s nuclear facility will utilize a Thorium Molten Salt Reactor (TMSR), expected to provide 500 MW of low-carbon electricity.

“ThorCon has to be potentially become the first company to build and operate Indonesian first Nuclear Power Plant.”  Hopefully, their techs are better with uranium than grammar.

The untested plan has units assembled in South Korea and barged to Indonesia. Waste won’t be an issue as Mr Dutton reportedly says it can fit in a Coke can.  The nation with the world’s fourth-largest thirst has an abundance.

The costs, inevitable blowouts and uncertainties involved in new tech are worries enough, but the biggest barrier is the Ring of Fire. It’s a 40,000 km long tectonic belt of trembling soils, big bang mountains and seafloor upheavals causing tsunamis – like the 2004 Aceh tragedy,

The moods of Indonesia’s 127 active volcanoes are idiosyncratic.  Every year several spew fire and fumes, burning people and property.  Having a nuclear reactor nearby, however small, green and funded by private investors may not be the government’s best thought bubble.

ThorCon’s impressive name and offices in Jakarta and Bangka belie the reality that its public information is confusing.

One site says it’s a “Singapore-based special purpose company which (sic) established for the purpose of financing the $USD 1,2 billion Indonesia project.”

ThorCon US, Inc. reports it’s “a business company in the US, owned by the founder of ThorCon Power, that owns the intellectual property for the ThorCon TMSR500 design.”

Another site claims it’s headquartered in Dubai and appears to be a door-opener for big investors – the most prominent is Virya.

This private Belgium-based company is “committed to finding the best investment opportunities globally and building investment portfolios for sustained rapid growth … progressing with you in the wealth creation journey and enjoy a prosperous and beautiful life together!”

No mention of nuclear.

Indonesia has a record of speedily completing major industrial projects using Chinese money and cheap labour toiling 24/7. Java toll roads and Sulawesi nickel smelters have been built years faster than similar jobs in Australia.

Cutting health and safety measures and barging aside community and environmental naysayers has put pedal to metal. In the time it takes Canberra to publish another committee report, SMRs in Indonesia could be lighting the way to a brighter future.

Or one more hazardous.

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Duncan Graham

Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia.
Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Ja

Indigenous Papuans prepare for return to transmigration policy under new Indonesian government

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Andrew Mathieson – December 15, 2024

An Indonesian minister within Prabowo Subianto’s new government took little time to announce plans to resume a former transmigration program throughout the eastern regions of a sovereign Indonesia, including the largest Papua province in western New Guinea, saying it was needed to enhance unity and provide locals with welfare.

Transmigration is the controversial process of forcibly moving Indigenous people on from their existing residences in a densely populated part of Indonesia to less densely populated areas of the country.

But for Indigenous Papuans that have a cultural connection and far more in common with their brothers in Papua New Guinea, displacement of Papuan populations remain a historical sore point.

The ministry intends to revitalise 10 zones in Papua, potentially using local relocation rather than bringing in outsiders and/or foreigners for work.

The program had been on pause for 23 years after it was found to severely propagate and to accelerate the Papuan independence movement in the western half of the New Guinea that has been under Indonesian control since October 1962 following the exodus of Dutch colonists.

“We want Papua to be fully united, as a part of Indonesia in terms of welfare, national unity and beyond,” Muhammad Iftitah Sulaiman Suryanagara, the revived minister of transmigration, said.

Mr Iftitah has promised strict evaluations focusing on community welfare rather than just relocation numbers.

Despite the minister’s promises, the plan has since drew outcry from Indigenous Papuans, citing social and economic concerns.

The purpose of this program was officially to reduce poverty and to provide opportunities for hard-working poor people by providing a workforce to utilise natural resources of the nation.

But in Papua, a remote and resource-rich region, it is viewed as a form of indentured labour.

The program has been a flashpoint for conflict, with its people enduring decades of alleged military abuse and human rights violations under Indonesian rule.

Simon Balagaize, a young Papuan leader from Merauke, highlighted the negative impacts of transmigration efforts in Papua under dictator Suharto’s New Order during the 1960s.

“Customary land was taken, forests were cut down, (while) the indigenous Malind people now speak Javanese better than their native language,” he told the independent Southeast Asian, BenarNews, last month.

The Papuan Church Council stressed locals desperately do require increased services, but could do without more transmigration

“Papuans need education, health services and welfare – not transmigration that only further marginalizes landowners,” Rev Dorman Wandikbo, a council member, told BenarNews.

Transmigration into Papua has sparked protests on concerns about reduced employment opportunities for Indigenous people.

Human rights advocate Theo Hasegem criticised the government’s step back, arguing the human rights issues are ignored under transmigration, and non-Papuans could also be endangered because separatist groups often target newcomers.

“Do the president and vice president guarantee the safety of those relocated from Java?” Hasegem told BenarNews.

The program dates to 1905 during the Dutch East Indies administration and was a program an independent Indonesia adopted and continued through a number of its administrations under the guise of promoting development and unity.

It also aimed to promote social and cultural unity by relocating citizens across regions.

Transmigration involved 78,000 families in Papua from 1964 to 1999, according to statistics from the Papua provincial government.

The program only had paused in 2001 after a special Indonesian autonomy law required regional regulations to be followed.

A Papuan legislator, John N R Gobay, questioned the role of Papua’s latest autonomous regional governments for the transmigration process.

He cited an article of the law mandating that transmigration proceeds only with gubernatorial consent and regulatory backing.

Without clear regional regulations, he warned, transmigration lacks a strong legal foundation and could conflict with special autonomy rules that exist in Western New Guinean provinces.

United Nations data estimates between 60,000 and 100,000 Papuans have been displaced since 2022, after Indonesia denies UN officials access to the region, while human rights advocates in the area recently said the figure is 79,000.