An indigenous human rights activist has asked Jakarta to reconsider the transmigration program in Papua region as bringing in non-Papuans to the country’s easternmost region will only create new problems and challenges for the native inhabitants.
“My question is very simple, will President and Vice President guarantee the safety and living rights of the transmigrants in conflict area? When they are brought from Java, the Presiden will say that he guarantees their security as the president will deploy military personnel to Papua in huge number,” Papuan human rights activist, Theo Hasegem, spoke to Indonesia Business Post on Wednesday, October 30, 2024.
In reality, there have been a lot of non-Papuan businessmen, ojek (motorcycle taxi) drivers, teachers, and healthcare officials killed or shot by members of the West Papua National Liberation Army (TNPB) despite the presence of thousands of non-organic security personnel in Papua.
“As a human rights defender, I hope the (central) government will seriously consider the security issue in Papua,” Theo noted.
He was of the opinion that transmigration is not what native Papuans need.
“Papuans need justice, honesty, and the government’s readiness to solve the alleged human rights violations through dignified and authoritative dialog facilitated by a neutral third party,” he said.
Theo underlined that the main problem in Papua is human rights violations that have become an international issue.
He said the Indonesian government should be embarrassed that they used to be put under spotlight and criticized in United Nations (UN) meetings.
“The President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia know that there is a threat of humanitarian crisis in Papua that is difficult to overcome, such as murder, torture, extrajudicial arrests, and arbitrary detention allegedly carried out by Indonesian military and police personnel against indigenous Papuans,” he cited.
At the same time, the West Papua National Army continues to assassinate non-Papuan Indonesians, whom they suspect of being spies or intelligence agents deployed in Papua.
“Without solution of the humanitarian crisis, violent armed conflicts will continue to happen in Papua,” Theo said.
Upon his inauguration as President on October 20, 2024, Prabowo Subianto told the Minister of Transmigration that he is willing to send transmigrants to the eastern part of Indonesia, including Papua, saying that transmigration program is a solution to Papuan issues.
They do not find anything good in President Subianto’s plan to send non-Papuans to the easternmost region
By UCA News reporter Published: October 31, 2024 11:43 AM GMT
Catholic leaders have warned against the transmigration program of new Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto in conflict-stricken Papua, saying bringing in non-Papuans to the easternmost region will result in problems for the ethnic people.
After his inauguration on Oct. 20, Subianto announced the program in which transmigrants will be sent to the eastern parts of Indonesia, including Papua province.
The program is intended to realize welfare equality across regions, according to the newly created transmigration ministry, separate from the ministry of villages.
The plan also includes starting 1 million hectares of new rice fields in Papua province.
The program was unveiled by transmigration minister Iftitah Sulaiman Suryanagara at a meeting of the House of Representatives – the upper house – on Oct. 29.
“Papua is not empty land. This is land owned by the people,” said Melianus Asso, head of the Papuan Catholic Youth.
“We, the Papuan Catholic Youth, do not need a transmigration program,” added Asso.
We need education, health, access to clean water, electricity, and other basic facilities, he demanded.
In a statement on Oct. 30, the Papuan Catholic Youth asked the government to review the new plan, which is part of a national strategic program.
Tino Mote, a member of the Papuan Catholic Youth, said the transmigration program and the rice field project are not in line with “the needs of the local community.”
As a Catholic organization based on the values of Pope Francis’ Laudato si (praise be to you), “we are responsible for preserving the environment,” he said.
He stressed the need to protect indigenous people in Papua.
Stefanus Asat Gusma, the chairperson of Papuan Catholic Youth, said he will “bring this issue to the attention of the president, the ministry and the military which is currently serving in the troubled province.
Augustinian Father Bernard Baru said the migration of non-Papuans has made indigenous people a minority in Papua.
“This [transmigration program] will only worsen the marginalization of indigenous Papuans,” he told UCA News.
He said the program is another way to control Papua.
“In urban areas, immigrants now dominate, while indigenous Papuans live in remote areas,” he said.
Papua has a population of 4.3 million and Christians make up 85.02 percent – Protestants 69.39 percent and Catholics 15.63 percent.
Due to the prolonged conflict, the former Dutch colony is one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia. In March, the province recorded a poverty rate of 17.26 percent, almost double the national average of 9.03 percent.
Studies by University of Sydney academic James Elmslie have shown that the indigenous Papuan population has dwarfed at 1.84 percent compared with the non-Papuan population which stands at 10.82 percent in the province.
The Papuans want to free their region from Indonesian control, but Indonesia looks to suppress it militarily. The region is home to the world’s largest gold mine, as well as extensive sources of natural gas, minerals, timber and palm oil.
The struggle, ongoing since 1962, is estimated to have killed up to 500,000 people. At least 300 people have died in the last decade.
October 2, 2024 20:00 GMT+700 Jakarta (ANTARA) – Commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) General Agus Subiyanto on Wednesday inaugurated five infantry battalions (Yonif) to support the government’s food resilience program in Papua region.
The battalions will be dispatched to five regions of Papua to collaborate with the Agriculture Ministry and local residents to cultivate essential crops, including rice, he said.
“These battalions are specialized in different aspects, such as construction and production. We will carry out agricultural programs in Papua with their help,” he told journalists after the inauguration in the National Monument (Monas) area, Central Jakarta.
The battalions include Yonif 801/Ksatria Yuddha Kentswuri, which will be stationed in Keerom, Papua Province; Yonif 802/Wimane Mambe Jaya, which will be posted in Sarmi, Papua; Yonif 803/Nduka Adyatma Yuddha, which will be sent to Boven Digoel, South Papua; and Yonif 804/Dharma Bhakti Asasta Yudha, which will work in Merauke, South Papua.
Meanwhile, Yonif 805/Ksatria Satya Waninggap will be based in Sorong, Southwest Papua.
Based on data obtained by ANTARA, each infantry battalion consists of 691 personnel drawn from different regional military commands (Kodam) across the country.
Kodam I/Bukit Barisan has dispatched 150 soldiers, Kodam II/Sriwijaya 150 soldiers, Kodam III/Siliwangi 450 personnel, Kodam IV/Diponegoro 400 officers, Kodam V/Brawijaya 230 personnel, and Kodam VI/Mulawarman has fielded 25 officers for the battalions.
Furthermore, Kodam IX/Udayana has contributed 306 soldiers, Kodam XII/Tanjungpura 43 officers, Kodam XIII/Merdeka 157 personnel, Kodam XIV/Hasanuddin 225 soldiers, Kodam XVI/Pattimura 294 officers, Kodam XVII/Cenderawasih 100 soldiers, and Kodam XVIII/Kasuari has sent 20 personnel.
Meanwhile, the Jaya Kodam of Jakarta and Iskandar Muda Kodam of Aceh have contributed 350 and 100 soldiers, respectively, to the special battalions.
A side event to the 57th UN Human Rights Council entitled “Human Rights in Indonesia,” hosted by the World Council of Churches (WCC) and partner organizations on 1 October, will address the dire human rights situation in West Papua, with ongoing violations that include extra-judicial killings, internal displacement due to armed conflict, restrictions on civil liberties, and a growing number of cases of land grabbing.
This event will bring together grassroots representatives and experts to explore practical actions that the UN Human Rights Council and national and international actors could take to address the deepening human rights and humanitarian crises in West Papua.
The Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal will also present the findings of its July 2024 public hearings, during which it examined a body of evidence on the environmental impacts of development projects and related human rights violations in the region.
In the first six months of 2024, extra-judicial killings linked to the ongoing armed conflict between the Indonesian security forces and the West Papua National Liberation Army (OPM-TPNPB) have been recorded. A surge in armed conflict has been reported in the period April-June 2024 which has continued to drive internal displacement among the Indigenous Papuan people. As of September 2024, 79,867 people are internally displaced with no access to basic necessities such as food, healthcare services and education, and limited access to employment opportunities. If they return to their villages and homes, they are confronted with a heavy security presence, and constant intimidation and surveillance.
A growing number of cases of land grabbing have been reported from the regencies of Merauke, Mimika, Deiyai, and Sorong in the period April-June 2024, reflecting a growing trend of private investors capturing land and natural resources without obtaining free, prior and informed consent from Indigenous Papuans.
There is an urgent need for the Indonesian government to immediately address the conflict and associated human rights violations, abuses, and impunity through sustainable solutions based on the principles of human rights.
Peter Prove, director of the WCC Commission of the Churches on International Affairs (CCIA), will moderate the discussion.
“The Indonesian government provides very limited transparency regarding the situation in West Papua, and even less access to the region,” he said. “Accordingly, the WCC is grateful that through cooperation with its civil society partners we can bring information regarding the longstanding humanitarian and human rights crisis endured by the Indigenous Papuan people to the attention of the Human Rights Council, and to the wider international community. We continue to hope that by sharing this information, the long overdue concern of the international community may yet be galvanized.”
Join this event live , Tuesday, 1 October, 13:00 CEST
(Meeting ID 3353 -CR25 “Human Rights in Indonesia”, Meeting number: 2744 604 7986 Password: ufTQvPJJ877)
On 14 August 2024, members of the West Papua National Committee (KNPB) in the Dekai District, Yahukimo Regency, Papua Pegunungan Province, experienced acts of intimidation and unauthorised search by members of the 1715 Kodim (military district command) and Brimob (mobile brigade corps). The operation was led by Yahukimo Police Chief, Commissioner Heru Hidayanto. Six KNPB members were present at their office when the security forces arrived, resulting in a tense confrontation and forceful entry into the KNPB office.
The incident began with surveillance activities on 13 August 20214, with two vehicles monitoring the KNPB office. On August 14, the surveillance intensified. At 3:20 pm, a large contingent of security forces, comprising nine vehicles including armoured cars and patrol vehicles from various units, arrived at the KNPB office. Despite attempts by KNPB members to negotiate and clarify that no demonstrations were planned for 15 August 2024, the security forces forcibly entered the office without providing a warrant. They searched the office and took photographs of the premises. The operation concluded around 3:40 pm when the forces withdrew.
The incident raises serious concerns about respect for civil liberties, freedom of association, and the use of intimidation tactics against political activists in West Papua, Indonesia.
Security force vehicles approaching the KNPB office in the Dekai District, Yahukimo Regency, on 14 August 2024
Detailed Case Data name of the location: Dekai (-4.874653772472966, 139.48856096842403) administrative region: Indonesia, Papua Pegunungan Province, Yahukimo Regency, Dekai District total number of victims: six period of incident: 14.08.2024 perpetrator: police, other security forces perpetrator details: 1715 Kodim and Brimob Issues: freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly, indigenous peoples, intimidation Sources: Further HRM News:
Number
Name, Details
Gender
Age
Group Affiliation
Violations
6
unknown
unknown
unknown
indigenous, activist
freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, intimidation
The Jakarta District Court heard the case of alleged bribery and gratification against suspended Papua governor Lukas Enembe on Monday with evidence from expert witnesses saying that an audit showed records
to be “clean and accurate”.
The hearing was convened to hear the testimony of three expert witnesses on the allegations against Governor Enembe.
The panel of judges heard the testimony of two experts Dr Muhammad Rullyandi, SH, MH (a constitutional law expert and lecturer at the Faculty of Law of Jayabaya University) and
Dr Eko Sambodo, SE, MM, Mak, CFrA (an expert in state finance and losses), and the third witness was due to be heard today.
The experts concluded that nine reports provided by the country’s state financial audit board during Enembe’s tenure as a governor did not contain any irregularities, or misreporting.
It was all “clean and accurate” within the framework of regulations and procedures, the witnesses said.
Complied with admin law According to Dr Rullyandi (Indonesians often have single names), the state financial management complied with administrative law, which was supervised by a state institution known as the Badan
Pemeriksa Keuangan (BPK), the State Financial Audit Board.
“The BPK is the final step in the state management process, starting with planning, implementation, and before accountability, it is under supervision,” Dr Rullyandi said.
Among the BPK’s responsibilities were the supervision of procurement and service contracting. When the BPK found criminal elements under its supervision, it reported them to the authorised agency r
equired by law, he said.
Dr Rullyandi said that this was regulated in Article 14 of Law No. 15 of 2004 concerning the Examination of State Financial Management and Responsibility.
Article 14 of Law No.15 of 2004 states:
(1) “IF CRIMINAL ELEMENTS ARE DETECTED DURING THE EXAMINATION, THE BPK SHALL MAKE AN IMMEDIATE REPORT TO THE APPROPRIATE AUTHORITIES IN ACCORDANCE
WITH THE APPLICABLE LAWS AND REGULATIONS”.
Therefore, before the findings could be prosecuted as articles of bribery or gratification, they must first be tested by the BPK, which then reports them to law enforcement agencies.
Administrative rules That is the correct way of thinking, said the expert witness.
Law enforcement is not permitted to enter the administrative area while it is still in the administrative process. The law states that when administrative law enforcement occurs, law enforcement should not
enter before the BPK makes recommendations,” Dr Rullyandi continued.
The BPK audit report indicates that there were no criminal indications of financial irregularities during the term of Governor Lukas Enembe in regional financial management, including no alleged irregularities in
procurement processes for goods and services, which indicates that the principle of legal certainty was met.
According to Dr Rullyandi, initiation of the investigation process into an alleged criminal act of corruption against Governor Lukas Enembe was not based on BPK’s recommendations.
This means, from the beginning of the investigation until it was transferred to the court, investigators ignored Law No. 15 of 2004, especially Article 14. To enforce the law of corruption, relating to criminal norms regulating
bribery and gratification, administrative law norms must be considered.
This is accomplished by referring to Law No 1 of 2004 concerning the State Rreasury, which states in section weighing letter c that state financial administration law rules must govern state financial management and
accountability.
According to Dr Rullyandi, there is also a provision in Law No. 15 of 2004 pertaining to the Responsibility of State Financial Inspection and Management, which regulates how state finances are handled and held
accountable in the fight against criminal corruption.
Abuse of office allegations “Regarding allegations of abuse of office, Dr Rullyandi said the defendant did not possess the qualifications to abuse his position through bribery and gratification as stated in Articles 11, 12A, and 12B of the Law.
Law No. 31 of 1999 concerning the Eradication of Corruption, as amended by Law No. 20 of 2001.
It was due to the authority or power associated with Enembe’s position, which allowed him to move in order to do or not do something related to the procurement of goods and services. This was given as a result of or
caused by something he did or did not do in his position that violated his obligations.
His position as Governor and as user of the budget had been delegated and handed over to the powers of budget users and officials authorised to carry out the procurement committee for goods and services in accordance
with Article 18 of Law No. 1 of 2004 concerning the State Treasury.
Particularly, anyone signing or certifying documents related to the letter of evidence that is the basis for the expenditure on APBN / APBD is responsible for its content and consequences.
According to Dr Eko Sambodo’s testimony, if a province [such as Papua] had been given nine times the Unqualified Fair Opinion (abbreviated WTP), administratively, all of them had been managed in accordance with
relevant regulations, accountability, and accounting standards.
“When it comes to managing finances, it has been audited, so there are no regulatory violations,” Dr Sambobo said.
Governor Enembe’s senior lawyer, Professor OC Kaligis, asked the witness whether this opinion of the WTP could be used as evidence, that corruption did not exist in the province.
The witness replied that in auditor terms, corruption was known as irregularities. Deviation causes state losses.
It means that everything has been done according to and within regulations, including governance, compilers, and reports. It also means that expenditures have been proven, clarifications have been made, all of which
contribute to its final report.
“This is all WTP offers,” said Dr Sambobo. Under the leadership of Governor Enembe, Papua province won the WTP opinion nine times consecutively.
Another expert opinion was due to be heard in court today.
Witness’s testimonies in Court The court completed hearing witnesses last week (Monday, August 21), who testified to their involvement or knowledge of the alleged bribery, gratification, and corruption scandal.
Out of 184 witnesses, only 17 were brought to court, and only 1 had any connection with Governor Enembe. Sixteen of these witnesses testified as to not have any connection to Enembe.
Only one witness linked to the governor’s name, Prijatono Lakka, a pastor and Enembe’s assistant, who sent Enembe one billion rupiah (NZ$105,000) to cover medical expenses through governor’s personal funds,
resulting in an array of allegations, his arrest, and the ongoing process.
To date, no witnesses have emerged to provide testimony or evidence concerning all the alleged wrongdoings and misconduct of Lukas.
Although the governor’s health has improved somewhat, his condition is still critical. The governor’s lawyers continues to ask the judge to detain him in the city for medical treatment and to allow medical specialists
outside of the control of Corruption Eradication Commission (acrynomed KPK) to treat him in a free environment.
However, these requests have not been responded to. Currently, the governor is confined to the prison cells of KPK.
He is secheduled to appear in court next week on Monday to bring the final stages of this protracted legal drama to closure.
Lukas Enembe’s term as Papua’s provincial Governor will end during early September — next week.
Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University and who contributes to Asia Pacific Report.
From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.
by Johni Korwa and Barrisen Rumabar 18 September 2024
Towards the end of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s tenure, he and Papua New Guinean Prime Minister James Marape stepped up cross-border cooperation between Indonesia and PNG by signing four Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), on 15 July 2024.
Two of the MoUs are particularly attention-grabbing: the agreements on Cross-Border Movement for Commercial Buses and Coaches, and on Cross-Border Transport of Goods by Motor Vehicles. They are unprecedented in the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and PNG, overcoming a long-standing reluctance to permit public transport across the border. However, the agreements are limited to the cities of Jayapura and Vanimo, located on either side of the border in the northern part of New Guinea.
These MoUs undoubtedly pave the way for increased cooperation between the two countries, offering significant benefits to the people living in Jayapura and Vanimo, who now have access to public transport for crossing the border.
From a regional perspective, these agreements reflect Indonesian foreign policy under the Jokowi administration, which sought to strengthen ties with the Pacific community, with PNG serving as a notable example. From a local perspective, this breakthrough marks a significant step in the sister-city cooperation between Jayapura and Vanimo, which has been renewed for a second term since 2016.
While this breakthrough represents progress, several challenges remain. First, road conditions pose a challenge, particularly on the PNG side, between the Wutung border post and Vanimo city, a journey which takes approximately 1.5 hours by taxi. Several bridges along this route are susceptible to river water flowing over the upper surface — worse during the rainy season — which can make driving hazardous for those without the special skills to navigate safely.
Another important consideration is transnational crime. Local news often reports on smugglers transporting marijuana from Vanimo to Jayapura using unofficial land routes, boats, or even attempting to cross via the official border posts. While we often hear about those who are apprehended, there is concern about those who slip through. With these MoUs increasing interaction between the two communities and making cross-border public transport more frequent, security measures need to be strengthened — both before boarding public transport and at the border — to deter smugglers effectively.
The new cross-border public transport agreement will significantly increase the flow of people. An increased number of individuals from PNG will travel to Indonesia through Jayapura for various reasons, including family visits and sightseeing — though shopping will likely be the primary allure. The Skouw market at the border is already a popular destination, and this new cross-border transport option is expected to attract even more PNG visitors to Jayapura.
To ensure mutual benefits to both countries, this new transport arrangement should embrace the concept of reciprocity. A much larger traditional market near the Wutung border post would attract more people from the Indonesian side. Additionally, there is an opportunity to develop more tourist attractions in Vanimo City to appeal to more Papuans and Indonesians, offering more than the mere purchase of items such as sausages, cornets, or Twisties.
Travel documentation is another crucial consideration, as crossing the Indonesian-PNG border requires either a type of border crossing pass — commonly known as the red and yellow cards — for individuals residing along the border, or a passport for those not classified as border residents. The border crossing pass is typically used for traditional purposes and within specific distances. However, with the new MoUs permitting commercial buses and motor vehicles to enter Jayapura or Vanimo, it is essential to establish clear immigration arrangements to manage the movement of people and goods effectively. Additionally, reducing visa fees from both countries would help facilitate this new cross-border public transport arrangement.
While these two MoUs on cross-border movement by public transport have yet to be implemented, there is no doubt that they represent a significant breakthrough in Indonesia-PNG relations. What needs to happen now is the effective implementation of these agreements, taking into account the more critical issues along with any other considerations, to ensure tangible benefits for both Jayapura and Vanimo, as well as Indonesia and PNG more generally.
The paperwork signing late last month by Defence Minister Richard Marles and his Indonesian counterpart Prabowo Subianto in Magelang (Central Java) is being paraded as an extraordinary advance in relationships. It’s not.
Why is this dud deal being sold like a Nobel Prize? Because scores of news outlets here and overseas are cutting-and-pasting press releases. In effect, much media has become a PR team for the government betraying voters.
Some facts to underpin this shameful assertion:
For the past two years, bureaucrats have been to-ing and fro-ing with the Australia-Indonesia Defence Cooperation Arrangement. Now ratified, it has become an “agreement”.
We, the Fourth Estate, aka chooks (as former Queensland Premier, Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen called us hacks), haven’t had a peep inside the thick covers and so have to take what’s fed.
Something more nutritious may come if independent experts get the full text to decode definitions and reveal what we’ve sold to appease our huge neighbour.
Marles’ media says the deal is about complex joint activities and exercises. The two militaries can “operate from each other’s countries for mutually determined cooperative activities” and swap soldiers for education and training in science and technology, though these are not disciplines where Indonesia is internationally admired.
Much hullabaloo so the lads can don camouflage and play in the same sandpit – something they’ve done before and are doing now.
Through design or coincidence, that signing night ABC Australia telecast the 90-minute documentaryCircle of Silence with Indonesian subtitles. It’s the story of the Balibo Five journalists in East Timor, killed in 1975 by Indonesian soldiers who knew the men were reporters.
Marles’ opposite number is also president-elect and will take over in October. He’s a former general with a dark past allegedly involving human rights abuses.
Researcher Pat Walsh, who was involved with the East Timor truth commission report, Chega! wrote: “As a member then a commander of Kopassus, Prabowo undertook at least four tours of duty in East Timor… (he was) anything but an innocent or bit player.
“Kopassus is the Indonesian military’s secretive ‘special operations’ force. It specialises in unconventional warfare, counter-insurgency, intelligence gathering and anti-terrorism.
“In plain English, locals are recruited and bribed to do Kopassus’s dirty work and, if necessary, to take the blame.”
(It is not suggested that Prabowo killed the Balibo Five. He has never been charged with war crimes.)
In 1998, he was cashiered for disobeying orders so he ran away to exile in Jordan. That fact has rarely been mentioned since he was convincingly elected in February with a 58% majority.
Ten days before the Magelang signing, Prabowo came to Canberra, ostensibly to approve the “arrangement”. But according to the AFR’s James Curran, his real mission was for “more Australian involvement in the Indonesian economy, especially in agriculture and countering narcotics”.
Apart from watching body language and facial expressions, why did any media bother to front the Canberra show? Journos were told “no questions”, suggesting the ministers fear inquiries and are unable to be straight with their employers, the public.
The men’s minders know any professional would ask Prabowo about blood on his hands, and his resulting fury would destroy the “arrangement”.
Transcribed texts show the two sides are not on the same page.
Marles said it was “profoundly historic” and “the deepest, the most significant agreement that our two countries have ever made”.
Profoundly nonsensical. In 1995, former prime minister Paul Keating secretly signed the Agreement on Maintaining Security with dictator and second president Soeharto.
That was a biggie, though four years later it was shredded by his successor, Bacharuddin Jusuf ‘BJ’ Habibie. He was furious the Australian-led peacekeeping force had entered Timor after the people had voted 8-2 to free themselves from Indonesian control.
Marles and Anthony Albanese said four times that their “arrangement” was about “security”. Prabowo used the word once and prefaced it with “food”. The best label he could muster was a “good neighbour agreement”.
Apart from language slippage, what’s not mentioned in diplomatic back-slaps is often more important. Absent was Australia’s new agreement with the US for their fighters, bombers and spy planes to use NT bases.
Also not in the handouts was Indonesia’s proposed law to let “active-duty personnel hold positions in civilian government ministries and agencies”.
If passed, the Republic will return to the last century dwifungsi (dual function) policy of soldiers controlling domestic departments irrespective of their skills and merits. (In most Western democracies civilian and military affairs are kept apart.)
Also ignored was the Indonesian military’s actions in West Papua, a prolonged and brutal campaign against independence seekers that’s allegedly taken thousands of lives.
Instead, Prabowo stressed that whatever subtexts might be imagined, there would be no revision of the county’s neutrality:
“As you know we are, by tradition, non-aligned. By tradition, our people do not want us to be involved in any geopolitical or military alliances or groupings. I myself, am determined to continue this policy.”
If Indonesians thought their nation was secretly sliding into the US camp through a deal with the region’s “deputy sheriff”, riots would result and Marles’ arrangement trashed.
He’s already crept close. In The Washington Post the Marles reportedly said: “We’re working together (with the US) to deter future conflict and to provide for the collective security of the region in which we live.”
While many elsewhere-based reporters parroted Marles media, The Australian’s Jakarta correspondent Amanda Hodge got her cautions buried on page four but accurately reflected the Jakarta view that the arrangement falls “well short of a mutual security guarantee” and without the weight of a “visiting forces agreement”.
Another realist was the ABC’s Stephen Dziedzic, noting Prabowo only said the two countries had made “great progress” in “ironing out legalistic details” in the arrangement. That’s the job negotiators are paid to perform.
While Marles was in Central Java about 200 Australian troops were dashing around East Java’s north coast in the two-week Super Garuda Shieldexercises. Also with the Diggers are almost 2,000 US Marines, supposedly thinking about cyber threats plus toys that go bang.
In the smog of industrial Sidoarjo are sweating soldiers from NZ, Singapore, Canada, France, Thailand and the UK. Not China this time, though the PRC participated in 2009.
Before The Australian implies this means Indonesia is in the Western camp and the signings aimed at “countering growing Chinese threats”, Lachlan Murdoch should know this:
The annual fun-with-guns games have been underway since 2006; next year Beijing’s troops will be starring in yet another “bilateral training exercise”.
If this wasn’t so serious, the idea of Grunts helping Indonesia, then their Chinese equivalents doing the same thing would be a fine film plot. Title suggestion: Dancing with Demagogues.
Duncan Graham
Duncan Graham has been a journalist for more than 40 years in print, radio and TV. He is the author of People Next Door (UWA Press). He is now writing for the English language media in Indonesia from within Indonesia. Duncan Graham has an MPhil degree, a Walkley Award, two Human Rights Commission awards and other prizes for his radio, TV and print journalism in Australia. He lives in East Java.
by Johni Korwa and Barrisen Rumabar 18 September 2024
Towards the end of Indonesian President Joko Widodo’s tenure, he and Papua New Guinean Prime Minister James Marape stepped up cross-border cooperation between Indonesia and PNG by signing four Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), on 15 July 2024.
Two of the MoUs are particularly attention-grabbing: the agreements on Cross-Border Movement for Commercial Buses and Coaches, and on Cross-Border Transport of Goods by Motor Vehicles. They are unprecedented in the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and PNG, overcoming a long-standing reluctance to permit public transport across the border. However, the agreements are limited to the cities of Jayapura and Vanimo, located on either side of the border in the northern part of New Guinea.
These MoUs undoubtedly pave the way for increased cooperation between the two countries, offering significant benefits to the people living in Jayapura and Vanimo, who now have access to public transport for crossing the border.
From a regional perspective, these agreements reflect Indonesian foreign policy under the Jokowi administration, which sought to strengthen ties with the Pacific community, with PNG serving as a notable example. From a local perspective, this breakthrough marks a significant step in the sister-city cooperation between Jayapura and Vanimo, which has been renewed for a second term since 2016.
While this breakthrough represents progress, several challenges remain. First, road conditions pose a challenge, particularly on the PNG side, between the Wutung border post and Vanimo city, a journey which takes approximately 1.5 hours by taxi. Several bridges along this route are susceptible to river water flowing over the upper surface — worse during the rainy season — which can make driving hazardous for those without the special skills to navigate safely.
Another important consideration is transnational crime. Local news often reports on smugglers transporting marijuana from Vanimo to Jayapura using unofficial land routes, boats, or even attempting to cross via the official border posts. While we often hear about those who are apprehended, there is concern about those who slip through. With these MoUs increasing interaction between the two communities and making cross-border public transport more frequent, security measures need to be strengthened — both before boarding public transport and at the border — to deter smugglers effectively.
The new cross-border public transport agreement will significantly increase the flow of people. An increased number of individuals from PNG will travel to Indonesia through Jayapura for various reasons, including family visits and sightseeing — though shopping will likely be the primary allure. The Skouw market at the border is already a popular destination, and this new cross-border transport option is expected to attract even more PNG visitors to Jayapura.
To ensure mutual benefits to both countries, this new transport arrangement should embrace the concept of reciprocity. A much larger traditional market near the Wutung border post would attract more people from the Indonesian side. Additionally, there is an opportunity to develop more tourist attractions in Vanimo City to appeal to more Papuans and Indonesians, offering more than the mere purchase of items such as sausages, cornets, or Twisties.
Travel documentation is another crucial consideration, as crossing the Indonesian-PNG border requires either a type of border crossing pass — commonly known as the red and yellow cards — for individuals residing along the border, or a passport for those not classified as border residents. The border crossing pass is typically used for traditional purposes and within specific distances. However, with the new MoUs permitting commercial buses and motor vehicles to enter Jayapura or Vanimo, it is essential to establish clear immigration arrangements to manage the movement of people and goods effectively. Additionally, reducing visa fees from both countries would help facilitate this new cross-border public transport arrangement.
While these two MoUs on cross-border movement by public transport have yet to be implemented, there is no doubt that they represent a significant breakthrough in Indonesia-PNG relations. What needs to happen now is the effective implementation of these agreements, taking into account the more critical issues along with any other considerations, to ensure tangible benefits for both Jayapura and Vanimo, as well as Indonesia and PNG more generally.
The Indonesian government’s ambitious plan to create a one-million-hectare rice field in the Merauke Regency, Papua Selatan Province, is moving forward without proper consultation with indigenous communities and despite significant environmental risks. On 12 July 2024, the Minister of Environment and Forestry (MoEF), Siti Nurbaya, issued Minister of Environment and Forestry Decree No. 835 of 2024 on Approval of Forest Area Use for Food Security Facilities and Infrastructure Development Activities in the Framework of Defence and Security on behalf of the Indonesian Ministry of Defence covering 13,540 hectares of Protected Forest Area, Permanent Production Forest Area and Convertible Production Forest Area in Merauke Regency.
The project, part of the National Strategic Project (PSN), has seen the arrival of hundreds of excavators and heavy equipment, raising alarm among human rights and environmental organisations. According to the information received, the project coordinator, the Indonesian entrepreneur Mr Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad aka. Haji Isam, ordered a total of 2,000 excavators from China to implement the project. HRM received photos and videos showing the arrival of excavators in the project area by ship. One video shows the excavators clearing large areas of land (see videos and photos below, source: independent HRDs).
The project gravely violates the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC), a fundamental right of indigenous peoples. According to press relese published on 13 September 2023 by the Indonesian foundation ‘Pusaka Bentala Rakyat’ (PUSAKA), local indigenous Malind communities, including the Gebze Moywend and Gebze Dinaulik clans, report that their lands, hamlets, and customary forests have been seized without any prior deliberation or consensus. This blatant disregard for indigenous rights is further exacerbated by the presence of armed military personnel securing the project implementation.
The indigenous Malind people, holding the customary land rights in the project area, have firmly rejected all forms of corporate investment on their customary lands. This unified stance was declared by various Malind communities in response to the Indonesian government’s National Strategic Project aiming to establish sugar and bioethanol self-sufficiency and a food barn project spanning millions of hectares in Merauke. Indigenous communities have expressed deep concerns about the potential loss of their lands, forests, and cultural heritage to large-scale development projects.
This rejection highlights the ongoing struggle for indigenous rights and environmental preservation in West Papua. The communities’ concerns stem from past negative experiences with corporate interventions and fears of marginalisation and cultural erosion. The call for intervention from the South Papua People’s Assembly and the Merauke Regional Government emphasizes the need for government accountability and respect for indigenous rights in development planning, urging a re-evaluation of national strategic projects that potentially violate human rights.
Environmental concerns are equally pressing. The project area overlaps with 858 hectares of natural forests and peatlands, as indicated in the Indicative Map of the Termination of Business Licensing (PIPPIB). The large-scale destruction of these ecosystems will significantly increase carbon emissions, directly contradicting Indonesia’s commitments to reduce greenhouse gases. The lack of transparency and the absence of an FPIC-based consultation with indigenous communities support allegations that the project lacks proper environmental impact assessments and approvals. Affected communities and environmental organisations have not been involved in discussions or received information on environmental documents.
The Merauke Food Estate project exemplifies a worrying development trend at the expense of indigenous rights and environmental sustainability. It is crucial for the Indonesian government to reevaluate the project, prioritizing inclusive, just, and sustainable development that respects the rights of indigenous peoples and preserves critical ecosystems. Failure to do so will inevitably undermine global efforts to combat climate change and preserve biodiversity on our planet.
Arrival of first excavators in Merauke in mid-August 2024
Australia West Papua Association Adelaide 